Monday, July 18, 2011

GORKHALAND Birth Right,Says HAPPY Bimal Gurung with Signing Tripartite Accord! status Quo Broken however!Would Brahaminical bengal Ever Recognise empowered Gurkha Nationality as the Hegemony Rules EXCLUDING SC, ST and OBC?

GORKHALAND  Birth Right,Says HAPPY Bimal Gurung with Signing Tripartite Accord! status Quo Broken however!Would Brahaminical Bengal Ever Recognise empowered Gurkha Nationality as the Hegemony Rules EXCLUDING SC, ST and OBC?

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GORKHALAND  Birth Right,Says HAPPY Bimal Gurung with Signing Tripartite Accord! status Quo Broken however!Would Brahaminical Bengal Ever Recognise empowered Gurkha Nationality as the Hegemony Rules EXCLUDING SC, ST and OBC?

A tripartite agreement on the Darjeeling hills was signed on Monday between the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM) and the West Bengal and central governments.

The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha was happy with the signing of the tripartite accord for the new hill council, Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, but it would not 'budge one step' from its demand for a separate state, the outfit's chief Bimal Gurung said today. "Gorkhaland is our birthright. We will not budge one step from this demand," Gurung told reporters shortly after the signing ceremony here attended by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and Union Home Minister P Chidambaram. "There is a difference between the signing of the tripartite agreement and Gorkhaland," he said. "In the coming days we will formulate our strategy on Gorkhaland. But, we are happy with the signing of the tripartite agreement." Earlier, his wife Asha, the chief of the GJM's women's wing, Gorkha Mahila Morcha, spoke in a similar vein. "The tripartite agreement for formation of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration is just a small step and the ultimate aim is a separate state of Gorkhaland. "We are happy at the stand taken by Mamata Banerjee. The previous Left Front government did not allow the inclusion of the name Gorkhaland," she said. She said those agitating against the inclusion of the Dooars and Terai in the jurisdiction of the GTA comprised only 15 per cent of the population. "They are being enticed by the CPI-M."

18/07/2011

Historic Gorkhaland Pact signed; Autonomous Body for Hills

Sukna (West Bengal): The West Bengal Government, the Gorkhaland Janamukti Morcha (GJM) and the Central Government have signed the tripartite agreement paving way for creation of autonomous elected hill council, the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA).

Historic Gorkhaland Pact signed; Autonomous Body for Hills

The GTA is armed with more powers compared to its former avatar, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, formed in the late 1980s. The agreement was signed at Sukna in Kurseong sub-division, near the plains of Siliguri of Darjeeling district.

However, the demand for Gorkhaland is not a closed chapter, a member of the Gorkhaland Janamukti Morcha (GJM) said Monday while describing the tripartite agreement as a temporary solution rather than a permanent one.

'As far as the Gorkhaland demand is concerned, it is not a closed chapter...the Gorkha Territorial Administration (GTA) is just a temporary settlement for the economic development of the Darjeeling hills. It is not a permanent solution,' said T. Arjun, member of the 'intellectual forum of the GJM' and a former West Bengal civil services officer.

Asked if the GJM would withdraw its demand for a separate state if the GTA worked properly, Arjun said: 'If the West Bengal government supports us and if there is goodwill, then we will not have any movement as of now but the demand will always be there.'

He added that GJM chief Bimal Gurung would not take up any office in the GTA but would provide guidance.

Source: IANS


Speaking on the occasion, home minister Mr Chidambaram assured that "the GTA will get full support from both the Centre and the state".
more by P Chidambaram - 1 hour ago - Economic Times

18/07/2011

Clinton arrives, Mumbai blasts and n-deal to top talks

New Delhi: US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton touched down here Monday night to begin a three-day visit during which India and the US will hold their second strategic dialogue to discuss counter-terror cooperation, the civil nuclear deal and shared concerns over Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Clinton arrives, Mumbai blasts and n-deal to top talks

Clinton will co-chair the second strategic dialogue with External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna Tuesday. She will also call on Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and meet Congress president Sonia Gandhi.

India and the US will discuss an entire gamut of issues including strategic cooperation, counter-terrorism, energy and climate change, education, science and technology, health and defence, officials said.

With the July 13 Mumbai blasts putting the focus on increased security cooperation, India is likely to seek the US for assistance in probing the bombings. It's not yet clear what kind of cooperation India may want from the US on this.

Top US counter-terrorism officials, including US Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper and Deputy Secretary at the Department of Homeland Security Jane Holl Lute are among those accompanying Clinton to India.

Clinton arrives, Mumbai blasts and n-deal to top talks

The Indian delegation would include Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Adviser to the Prime Minister Sam Pitroda, Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao, Foreign Secretary-designate Ranjan Mathai, the secretaries of home, commerce and environment ministries. Nehchal Sandhu, director, Intelligence Bureau, will also participate in the discussions.

India is also expected to seek a fresh assurance from the US that the new guidelines of the Nuclear Suppliers Group which deny access to enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) technologies to countries which have not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) will not impinge on Washington's commitment to implement full civilian nuclear cooperation with India.

The situation in Afghanistan would prominently figure in the strategic dialogue. Clinton is expected to brief India on its negotiations with a section of the moderate Taliban and reiterate the importance of India's role in the reconstruction of that country.

India is expected to brief the US on the forthcoming foreign minister-level talks it will have with Pakistan later this month.

She will also go to Chennai Wednesday, the hub of high-value American investments.

Source: IANS


Signing of GTA accord a historic event: Chidambaram

Indian Express - ‎5 hours ago‎
Union Home Minister P Chidambaram complimented West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha president Bimal Gurung for making theGorkhaland Territorial Administration agreement possible. "Today I stand witness to the historic …

At the core of the pact is the formation of a new autonomous, elected Gorkha Territorial Administration (GTA), a hill council armed with more powers than its predecessor Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) formed in the late 1980s.

Terming the agreement as the new beginning for Darjeeling, union home minister P Chidambaram said the central government will keep a watch on the path of the GTA and offer all kinds of help to the newly-formed administrative body.

"This is a historic day. This is a day to step into the future and a new beginning for Darjeeling. We know you had faced lot of problems. This is a time to keep aside those sufferings and look into the future. You (GJM leadership) have to show that you can govern," said Chidambaram at the signing function in Pintail village in Kurseong sub-division of Darjeeling district.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee lauded the accord and ruled out any possibility of the division of Bengal.

"After fighting for a long time, here comes the environment of peace and harmony. We will give full cooperation to the GTA. Darjeeling is heart of the state. Darjeeling and Siliguri are like two sisters. They cannot be separated from each other," she said.

Officers from the central and state governments and GJM general secretary Roshan Giri signed the accord.

The tripartite agreement for formation of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration is just a 'small step' and the ultimate aim is a separate state of Gorkhaland, a top leader of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha said on Monday. The chief of the Gorkha Mahila Morcha, the women's wing of the GJM, Asha Gurung, said she was happy at the inclusion of the word 'Gorkhaland' in the GTA agreement, but the ultimate aim is to achieve a state of Gorkhaland.

"We are happy at the stand taken by (chief minister) Mamata Banerjee. The previous Left Front government did not allow the inclusion of the name Gorkhaland,'" Gurung, wife of GJM chief Bimal Gurung, said.

She said those in Dooars and Terai agitating against inclusion of those areas under the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration comprised only 15 % of the population in those areas.

"They are being enticed by the CPI-M (into the agitation)," she said.

Life in West Bengal's Siliguri sub-division and Dooars in neighbouring Jalpaiguri was partly hit on day one of a 48-hour shutdown to protest the tri-partite Darjeeling accord signed on Monday. The shutdown was called by the Bangle o Banbglabhasha Banchao Committee (Save Bengal and Bengali Language Committee).

In Siliguri town under Darjeeling district, big shops remained closed, private buses did not ply, while vehicles and auto-rickshaws hit the streets in fewer numbers.

In Dooars (foothills of the eastern Himalayas) area of Jalpaiguri, tea gardens remained open, and government offices functioned normally.

"But fewer vehicles ventured out on the roads. Shops were closed. Three persons were arrested for picketing," said a police official.

The Darjeeling tripartite accord was signed in Sukna near here by representatives of the central and state governments, and the  Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM). Chief minister Mamata Banerjee and union home minister P.Chidambaram were present on the occasion.

Economic times Reports:
This is expected to end the agitations for a separate state for Gorkhas. The agreement envisages more powers for the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, or DGHC. Services in health, education and water supply sectors could improve as per the new pact.

The hills have been restless for the past few years following agitation by GJM, demanding statehood for Gorkhas. The Gorkha National Liberation Front , or GNLF, under the leadership of Subhash Ghising had launched a similar agitation in the 1980s. A tripartite agreement was signed between the Centre, West Bengal government and GNLF, in 1988, following which the DGHC was constituted.

That makes this the second tripartite agreement of Gorkha- speaking population with the Centre and the state government. Two committees will be set up as per the pact - one to look into the territorial composition of the new hill council and the other on tea garden areas.

Nevertheless, a number of organisations in North Bengal are opposed to the agreement. A five-day bandh is being observed in Darjeeling, since last Friday, by a number of organisations which include the All-Bengal Adivasi Bikash Parishad and Rashtriya Shiv Sena.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/Second-tripartite-pact-between-Centre-West-Bengal-government-and-GJM-to-be-signed-on-Monday/articleshow/9264532.cms

With an aim to end the Gorkhaland crisis, the accord formalized the formation of a new autonomous body being seen as middle ground for the administration and those calling for a separate state to caved out of the region.


In the presence of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, Union Home Minister P Chidambaram and Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) chief Bimal Gurung, the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), an autonomous body to govern the region with more powers to the local people (Gorkhas or ethnic Nepalese) than the existing Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC), was formalized.


The high profile function to set up the more powerful hill council was held at Pintail village at Sukna in the foothills of Darjeeling Hills near Siliguri town.


West Bengal Home Secretary G D Gautam, GJM leader Roshan Giri and a central representative signed the agreement after an invigorating address by Mamata Banerjee where she proudly declared that Darjeeling remained a part of West Bengal.


"After a long fight there is peace now. Make Darjeeling beautiful. Make the entire Bengal beautiful, you will get our full cooperation," Mamata said.


"Everybody will now visit Darjeeling. Darjeeling is within West Bengal. Darjeeling is the heart of West Bengal. We will make Darjeeling Switzerland," hollered the CM to big rounds of applause.


She said a complete economic package is being given to Darjeeling under which there would be IT industry in the hills, the revamping of water supply system and development of infrastructure to make it a magnet of tourists.


Celebrations of the hill people marked the occasion even as some plains-based groups, allegedly supported by the communists, observed strikes.


Voicing his opposition to the accord, Left Front chairman Biman Bose said, "We feel that the outcome of the agreement being signed on such a sensitive issue through unilateral discussion may not be good."


Also hinting his disapproval was CPI-M member and Leader of the Opposition Surya Kanta Misra, who was conspicuous in his absence from the ceremony despite invited.


Darjeeling's famous tea and tourism industry suffered immensely owing to the agitations in the past years.


Speaking at the function, Union Home Minister P Chidambaram called GJM chief Bimal Gurng his good friend.


"The chief minister and Gurung showed sagacity and forsight and love and compassion," he said, hugely complimenting the two leaders.


'I know the difficulties of many years. Today leave that behind for a good future of hope and aspirations," he said.


"I thank everyone who worked with us for more than two and half years. I also thank Jaswant Singh [BJP MP from Darjeeling] for his help and cooperation," Chidambaram said.


"There will be many hurdles but there is no hurdle that cannot be crossed through dialogue and determination," Chidambaram said.


He said the world Parivartan (change) is spoken everywhere like in Bengal and change should be for better tomorrow.


"You have to build brick by brick and we will stand by you," he told the hill leaders.


He told the GJM that agriculture, education, women and child development, public health, sports, urban development and everything that concerns the people of the area has been given to them.


"We will watch you carefully while you rebuild. Build a great future for your children and grand-children," he said.


The agreement is a personal victory for Mamata Banerjee since she had promised to solve the problem within three months of taking over as the CM and it materialized almost within two months of her regime.


The agreement apparently ends years of unrest amongst the ethnic Nepalese residing in the state's north demanding a separate state to be carved out of the three subdivisions of Darjeeling and also parts of Dooars in the plains.


Earlier, asked if the agreement will lead to formation of a separate Gorkhaland in the West Bengal hills, Mamata Banerjee said: ''Darjeeling would rather be more strongly integrated with the state."


"Failure on some people's part to restore peace in the hills does not mean that others cannot achieve it," she said, seemingly taking a jab at the former Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M)-led state government which she overthrew in this year's elections.


"Let the people of the hills and the plains, Dooars and Terai, live in peace. There are people who are against signing of the pact, development in the Darjeeling hills and solution of the crisis. But I will make Kanchenjunga shine even during cloud-filled rainy season," Banerjee said.


Earlier on June 7, Banerjee said her government had managed to crack the impasse with the GJM, well within her promised deadline of three months.


Triumphantly waving an "agreement copy" in front of the media, she announced the accomplishment that came when within 17 days of her cabinet, something which the earlier communist government had struggled with for years.


In two rounds of talks on Monday (June 6) and Tuesday (June 7), the state government and the GJM agreed that an autonomous body with financial, executive and administrative powers will be formed to administrate the north Bengal portion that the Gorkhas claim their own and wanted to be separated from Bengal.


This body will have more powers than the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and the bill to set it up will be passed in the next West Bengal Assembly session.


The GJM welcomed the agreement, but did not appear to back down from their demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland and said it was a positive movement towards independence.


In the past over three years, the Himalayan mountains of Darjeeling coped with the economic fallout of tourists cancelling their holiday plans in the hills singed by the agitations and shutdowns.


The famous tea and tourism industry suffered as a result of the long periods of shutdown called by the GJM which said the demand for a separate state dates back to 1907.


The movement for a separate Gorkhaland claimed 1,200 lives in the 1980s during the first campaign for statehood led by hill leader Subhas Ghisingh that had resulted in limited autonomy being granted to the region and the formation of DGHC.


The demands for a new state of Gorkhaland also gained momentum this year after a Jan. 6, 2011 report by a government-appointed panel on the viability of a second Telugu-speaking state called Telangana to be carved out of the southern state of Andhra Pradesh was made public.


The following are the salient points of the 16 page tripartite Memorandum of Agreement on the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration signed by the Centre, the West Bengal government and the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha:

- The Government of India, the Government of West Bengal and the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, keeping on record the GJM demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland, agree to form an autonomous body -- the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration -- through direct elections.

- Although the GJM was keen that the elected House of the Territorial Administration be called 'Assembly,' the Centre and the State Government persuaded the outfit to settle for 'Sabha.' (Both the governments wanted to avoid creating an impression that the new autonomous body was being granted symbol of statehood such as an Assembly.)

- The Morcha had demanded that the House be headed by a Speaker and Deputy Speaker. Instead, it has been decided that a chairman and deputy chairman will conduct the business of the House.

- As per the agreement, the GTA Sabha shall constitute of 45 elected members and five to be nominated by the Governor to give representations to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Minority Communities.

- The MPs, MLAs and chairpersons of municipalities shall be ex-officio members of the GTA Sabha.

The term of the Sabha will be for five years.

- Regarding the demand for granting Tribal Status to the Gorkhas except Scheduled Castes, the GJM or any organisation representing the Gorkhas will make an application to the Backward Classes Welfare Department of the state government.

- After examination by the department the matter will be referred to the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes. Recommendations already submitted to the National Commission will be followed up by the State Government.

- The Government of India will consider granting ST status to all Gorkhas except the Scheduled Castes.

- There will be 59 departments in the new arrangement. These include the Tauzi Department to look after the tea gardens, the department of Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Information and Cultural Affairs, School Education, Land and Land Reforms, PHE, Urban Development and Municipal Affairs. The earlier DGHC had 32 departments.

- The list of 17 projects to be undertaken by the GTA includes establishment of multi-speciality hospitals, tourism and hospitality management institutes, colleges, college of nursing, a Gorkha House in New Delhi, institutes for research and development of Nepali language, food and agro- processing complexes and cold storages and development of IT industries.

- The list of 14 projects which the GTA can take up with approval of the Government of India and the Government of West Bengal include establishment of a Central Institute of Technology, a Central University, a National Institute of Technology including IT and Biotechnology and a tea auction centre.

- The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway will be revitalised for boosting the tourism sector.

- After several rounds of tripartite meetings at the ministerial and officials' levels, the GJM, while not dropping their demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland, has agreed to the setting up of an autonomous body empowered with administrative, financial and executive powers.

- The GTA will be formed through direct elections. Its area shall comprise Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong.

- Both the Government of India and Government of West Bengal have repeatedly emphasised for keeping the region as an integral part of the state of West Bengal

- In regard to transfer of the additional areas of Siliguri, Terai and Dooars to the new body, a high-power committee will be formed.

- The Committee will submit its report preferably within six months of its constitution. Work for the committee will run parallel to the electoral process which will be based on the existing area delimitation.

- However, the empowering statute will have a provision to transfer of additional areas in Siliguri, Terai and Dooars that may be agreed upon, based on recommendation of the committee.

- The objective of the agreement is to establish an autonomous self-governing body to administer the region so that socio-economic infrastructural, educational, cultural and linguistic development is expedited and the ethnic ideas of the Gorkhas established.

Left Front doubtful of outcome of tripartite agreement on Darjeeling

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The HinduLeft Front Chairman Biman Bose. File photo

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Tripartite accord for Darjeeling hill council signedBandh in plains opposing tripartite agreement on DarjeelingDarjeeling tripartite accord to be signed on MondayCPI(M) rejects Mamata's invitation to signing of treatyPact on Gorkhaland administration today

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The Left Front today expressed doubt over the outcome of the tripartite agreement to be signed today in Darjeeling for the Gorkhaland Regional Authority and said it has been kept in the dark about its details.

"We feel that the outcome of the agreement being signed on such a sensitive issue through unilateral discussion may not be good," Left Front chairman Biman Bose told reporters here.

The Left Front was not aware about what was discussed with the GJM or the contents of the agreement, he said, adding the people in Dooars and Terai in North Bengal have expressed anger over with it with a bandh being observed there today.

Mr. Bose also feared that the agreement might harm the amity between adivasi, non-adivasi and the Nepali population It would not be good if it led to clashes, he said.

Earlier, major LF partner CPI(M) had rejected the West Bengal government's invitation to the Leader of the Opposition Suryakanta Mishra to attend the signing ceremony of the tripartite agreement that will pave the way for establishment of a new elected administrative body for Darjeeling.

Mr. Mishra had said that the CPI(M) rejected the invitation since the contents and the basis for the tripartite agreement were not known.

He had also said the name of the new hill council, Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, was misleading and confusing and was bound to create disunity in the Darjeeling hills.

Keywords: West Bengal, Darjeeling issue, Tripartite pact, Left Front

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2238213.ece


First Published: Prosveshcheniye, Nos. 3-5, March-May 1913
Transcription/Markup: Carl Kavanagh
Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive. You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit "Marxists Internet Archive" as your source.

C O N T E N T S

    Introduction

1. The Nation

2. The National Movement

3. Presentation Of The Question

4. Cultural-National Autonomy

5. The Bund, Its Nationalism, Its Separatism

6. The Caucasians, The Conference Of The Liquidators

7. The National Question In Russia

Notes


Collected Works Index | Volume 2 Index
J. V. Stalin Archive | Works by Date

http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1913/03.htm


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7 JUN, 2011, 10.10PM IST,ET BUREAU

Mamata Banerjee solves Darjeeling hill problems

KOLKATA: Mamata Banerjee has done a magic. Within 19 days after she was sworn in as the chief minister, Mamata on Tuesday solved the Darjeeling hill crisis by convincing the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM) to accept an agreement with her government which will intend to address all the key issues raised by the GJM. Mamata also assured the GJM leaders that her government will take up all the development activities for the Hills.

"Darjeeling problem has been solved. The next tripartite meeting among the Centre, the state government and GJM will be held in Darjeeling hills very soon and the discord in the hills will be nipped in the bud there," chief minister Mamata Banerjee announced at Writers' Buildings after a successful meeting between the GJM and senior state government officials including the chief secretary Samar Ghosh.

She also said that she had asked the state's chief secretary Samar Ghosh to talk to the Centre so that the agreement could be finalised at Darjeeling. "I will personally be there in Darjeeling during the tripartite talks," said Mamata.

Asked whether her government will offer any financial package to the people of Darjeeling hills, the chief minister said "certainly." When asked to explain the magic formula through which she has managed to sort out the hill crisis so easily, Mamata said "only development is my magic formula. I believe in carrying out development work every where and I have promised the GJM leaders that our government will leave no stone unturned to develop the hills."

She also said that she had a talk with the Union home minister P.Chidambaram on Tuesday's development and the Union minister was also very happy about this. The chief minister also informed that an expert committee will be set up comprising the state government officials and GJM leaders. Informed sources in Writers' Buildings said that the government had a plan to set up a nine-member committee of which four each will be from the GJM and the state government. There will be one member from the Union government in the proposed expert committee, which will be constituted within two weeks from Tuesday.

The expert committee will consider among other issues, the territory of the proposed new hill council which will replace the existing Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) which runs the administration in the three hill sub-divisions of Kalimpong, Kurseong and Darjeeling.

It is learnt that the state government might consider the GJM's demand for inclusion of some parts of Terai and Dooars into the new council which will be formed through elections. The GJM has been demanding inclusion of some pockets of Terai and Dooars into the separate Gorkha state for which they have been fighting.

The GJM general secretary Roshan Giri who had attended Tuesday's meeting, said that they were very happy with the discussion and felt that the chief minister was very much sincere in solving the hill problems.

When asked whether they were giving up their demand for a separate state for the Gorkhas, Giri told ET over phone that "our demand for separate Gorkha state is always there." He also said that the state government was actively considering their demand for control of hill council over the tea gardens in Darjeling, Terai and Dooars.

The GJM which was launched on October 7, 2007 has been spearheading their movement in Darjeeling for getting a separate state for the Gorkhas. The GJM had also attended a number of tripartite talks in the last five years in Delhi and Darjeeling to convince the Centre and the state government about their demand for the separate state.

The GJM has been demanding inclusion of Banarhat, Bhaktinagar, Birpara, Chalsa, Jaigaon, Kalchini, Kumargram, Madarihat, Malbazar, Mirik and Nagrakata into the Gorkhaland for which they have been fighting for long.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/Mamata-Banerjee-solves-Darjeeling-hill-problems/articleshow/8764514.cms

Separatist movements of India

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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There are various separatist movements in India, mainly in the north-east and north-west of the country. There have been 8 secessionist movements namely Khalistan, Assam [1][unreliable source?], Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. The most high profile separatist actions have been in Kashmir, with the assumption that the Muslim majority Kashmir Valley would join Pakistanor become independent, but that Hindu majority Jammu and Buddhist majority Ladakh would stay in India.[original research?]

Contents

 [hide]

[edit]History

The term Greater India refers to the historical spread of the Culture of India beyond the Indian subcontinent proper. This concerns the spread of Hinduism in Southeast Asia in particular, introduced by the Indianized kingdoms of the 5th to 15th centuries, but may also extend to the earlier spread of Buddhism from India to Central Asia and China by way of the Silk Road during the early centuries CE. To the west, Greater India overlaps with Greater Persia in the Hindu Kush and Pamir Mountains. Historically, the term is also tied to the geographic uncertainties surrounding the "Indies" during the Age of Exploration.

[edit]North East India

Main article: Insurgency in North-East India

[edit]Greater Assam

The Ahom Kingdom, c1826.

Since the mid-20th century, people from present-day Bangladesh (then part of Pakistan) have been migrating to Assam. In 1961, the Government of Assam passed a legislation making use ofAssamese language compulsory; It had to be withdrawn later under pressure from Bengali speaking people in Cachar. In the 1980s the Brahmaputra valley saw a six-year Assam agitation [2] triggered by the discovery of a sudden rise in registered voters on electoral rolls.

Assam till 1950s; The new states ofNagaland, Meghalaya and Mizoramformed in the 1960-70s. The capital of Assam was shifted from Shillong toDispur, now a part of Guwahati. After the Indo-China war in 1962, Arunachal Pradesh was also separated out.

The post 1970s experienced the growth of armed separatist groups like the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) [2] and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB). Regional autonomy has been ensured for Bodos in Bodoland Territorial Council Areas (BTCA) and for the Karbis in Karbi Anglong after agitation of the communities due to sluggish rate of development and aspirations for self-government. As the situation in Assam has turned very serious as communal clashes continue in two central districts of the state, namely Udalguri and Darrang.

Assam and its Environs: As per the plate techtonics, Assam is in the eastern-most projection of the Indian Plate, where the plate is thrust beneath the Eurasian Plate creating the Himalayas over a subduction zone and[3]. So therefore, Assam possesses a uniquegeomorphic environment, with plains, dissected hills of the South Indian Plateau system and with the Himalayas all around its north, north-east and east.

The United Liberation Front of Asom is a separatist group from Assam,[4] among many other such groups inNorth-East India. It seeks to establish a sovereign Assam via an armed struggle in the Assam Conflict. The Government of India had banned the organization in 1990and classifies it as a terrorist group, while the US State Department lists it under "Other groups of concern".[5]

ULFA claims to have been founded at the site of Rang Ghar on April 7, 1979,[4] a historic structure from theAhom kingdom. Military operations against it by the Indian Army that began in 1990 continues till present. In the past two decades some 10,000 people have died in the clash between the rebels and the government.[6]

The major leaders of the organisation are:

Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA) is a Separatist organization founded around 1996 in the eastern Indian state of Assam. The South Asia Terrorism Portal (satp.org) describes it as part of the All Muslim United Liberation Forum of Assam (AMULFA), and that Muslim United Liberation Front of Assam (MULFA) is a sister organization under the AMULFA umbrella.[7] It is alleged that MULTA is supported by the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency.

[edit]Bodoland

Bodoland is an area located in the north bank of Brahmaputra river in the state of Assam in north east region of India, by the foothills ofBhutan and Arunachal Pradesh; inhabited predominantly by Bodo language speaking ethnic group. Currently the hypothetical map of Bodoland includes the Bodoland Territorial Areas District (BTAD) administered by the non-autonomous Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC). The map of Bodoland overlaps with the districts of Kokrajhar, Baksa, Chirang and Udalguri in the state of Assam.

The National Democratic Front of Bodoland, also known as NDFB or the Bodo Security Force, is a separatist movement that is predominantly christian which seeks to obtain a sovereign Bodoland for the Bodo people in Assam. The founder of the organization, Ransaigra Nabla Daimari, alias Ranjan Daimari, continues to lead the organization.[4]

[edit]Tripura

Both the National Liberation Front of Tripura and the All Tripura Tiger Force, which claim to represent the Tripuri people, an economically disadvantaged community.[8]. The NLFT, founded in 1989, aims for independence for Tripura. The NLFT is currently proscribed as a terrorist organization in India.

[edit]Arunachal Pradesh

The Arunachal Dragon Force (ADF), also known as the East India Liberation Front, is a violent secessionist movement in the easternIndian state of Arunachal Pradesh. The ADF seeks to create an independent state resembling the pre-British Teola Country consisting of area currently in Arunachal Pradesh as well as neighboring Assam.

[edit]Nagaland

The NSCN factions and Naga National Council have been fighting for a greater Nagalim, which constitutes areas of present day Assam,Nagaland, Manipur and Myanmar.

[edit]Khalistan

Main article: Khalistan movement

Khalistan Khālistān (Punjabi: ਖ਼ਾਲਿਸਤਾਨ) is on actually proposed Sikh homeland. The Khalistan movement is a movement in Indian Punjabto create "The Land of the Pure" as an independent Sikh state in all Punjabi-speaking areas, which include Indian Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and some other Punjabi speaking parts of states like Gujarat and Rajasthan..[9]

[edit]See also

[edit]References

  1. ^ http://www.assamtimes.org/blog/3283.html
  2. ^ a b Hazarika 2003
  3. ^ Wandrey 2004 p3–8
  4. ^ a b c United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) - Terrorist Group of Assam
  5. ^ Country Reports on Terrorism, 2006
  6. ^ Five killed in Assam bomb blasts - Dawn
  7. ^ "Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA)". South Asia Terrorism Portal. Retrieved 2009-08-14.
  8. ^ http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,463af2212,469f2ddf2,469f3a9453,0.html
  9. ^ "Sikh separatists 'funded from UK'". BBC. 2008-03-04. Retrieved 2008-08-28.

[edit]Further reading

  • Inventing Boundaries: gender, politics and the Partition of India edited by Mushirul Hasan (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000)
  • The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan by Ayesha Jalal (Cambridge University Press, 1985)
  • Naxalite Politics in India, by J. C. Johari, Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies, New Delhi, . Published by Research Publications, 1972.
  • The Naxalite Movement, by Biplab Dasgupta. Published by , 1974
  • The Naxalite Movement in India, by Prakash Singh. Published by Rupa, 1995. ISBN 8171672949.

[edit]External links

Report on the International Seminar on the Nationality Question

Our Special Correspondent

The All-India People's Resistance Forum organised an international seminar on the nationality question in Delhi on February 16 to 19, 1996. Participants included a number of communist parties from home and abroad as well as organisations involved in national struggles in different parts of India. The AIPRF itself placed two major papers before the seminar: 'Globalisation - Structural Adjustment and National Resurgence' and 'Nationality Question in India'. A comprehensive account of the seminar is outside the scope of this report. Here only selected themes are taken up which arise from the posing of the nationality question by various participating communist parties.

In its paper the AIPRF noted that the national question in colonial and semi-colonial countries was part of the democratic revolution directed against imperialism and feudalism in which the national struggle united the working class, the peasantry and the toilers and excluded the big bourgeoisie and the big landlords. In India there is no single oppressor nation in contrast to the situation in Tsarist Russia, Sri Lanka, Turkey and Palestine. The centralised Indian state which represents the interests of imperialism, the big bourgeoisie and the feudal landlord classes suppresses all of the nationalities in the country. The intermixture of religion and the national struggles, the still developing nationalities amongst the tribals and the conflicts between the developing nationalities add to the complexity of the national question. The nationalities in India developed in the medieval period based on the development of the vernacular languages. The diverse conditions of the agrarian economy and trade meant that there was great diversity amongst the different regions of India. The British conquest stifled the emergence of nationalities and set off a chain of tribal and peasant rebellions. The rise of the anti-colonial movement stimulated the various national languages. The National Congress was compelled to take this into account and at its Nagpur Congress in 1920 it accepted the need to restructure its organisation on the basis of linguistic provinces. After 1947 the Congress did not fulfil its promise to establish linguistic provinces. Only after the agitation for the formation of the Andhra Province was the government compelled - despite the opposition of big capital based in Bombay - to establish the reorganisation of the states on the basis of linguistic affinity which led to a partial resolution of the national question.

The AIPRF then makes a distinction between three types of nationality movements. The first category is composed of 'those nationalities which, historically, have never been a part of India and were territorially annexed to the Indian Union'.

It must be stated unequivocally that this logic is entirely specious. Any notion of an 'historic India' if examined has to correspond to the oppressive multi-national states established in ancient, medieval and colonial times. No notion of an 'historic India' is required to defend the right of secession of the Kashmiris, the Assamese, the Mahipuris, Nagas and Mizos. This right exists on the basis of the democratic right of national self-determination. This permits them the right to secede from the existing reactionary Indian state or the future democratic state as they so desire.

A second category is suggested of the relatively 'developed nationalities' which have become consolidated in linguistic states where the nationality question expresses itself as a conflict between the centralised economic and political power of the centralised Indian state and the aspirations of the bourgeoisie of the various nationalities. By this logic the Akali Dal, the TDP, ACIP, DMK, AIADMK, the CPI and the CPI(M) articulate these demands. The third category embraces movements for statehood in areas such as Telengana, Vidarbha and Uttarakhand where the uneven development of capitalist development leads to disadvantages in particular regions as well as amongst the tribal nationalities of Jharkhand and Chattisgarh where the mineral and forest wealth are being ruthlessly exploited by the big bourgeoisie, the regional bourgeoisie and the landlords.

In the realms of administration and education the all-India big bourgeoisie foists the English and Hindi languages throughout the country and thereby stunts the development of the languages of the nationalities. The language question may only be resolved by permitting equality of the national languages in the Indian state. The Indian ruling classes attempts to promote unity of the state on the basis of Hindi identity, it targets the minority communities through anti-Muslim and anti-Sikh pogroms.

The nationality movements suffer from a number of problems. They are not always clear that imperialism, the big bourgeoisie and the feudal elements are the main forces which are retarding national development. Moreover, questions of nationality are mixed with religious fundamentalism and the nationality movements often adopt national chauvinist stands against the smaller nationalities as has occurred in the case of the Assamese against the Bodos and Karbis. If the nationality struggles take up the question of feudal exploitation the majority of the masses of the nationality may he mobilised.

A consistent democratic approach to the nationality question necessitates support for the Kashmiris and the nationalities of the North-East, the establishment of a voluntary federation of the nationalities based on the right to secession, autonomy for the minority nationalities in each national republic, the end of the current centralised economic and political control by the central government, the use of national languages in the administration and education in the mother-tongue, a struggle against big national chauvinism of the bigger nationalities and against fundamentalism particularly Hindi fundamentalism.

The approach paper of the AIPRF, despite flaws, is a welcome attempt to tackle the national question in India in the light of Marxism. It correctly notes that the Soviet Union after 1917 implemented the principle of national self-determination in a principled manner. But the paper is reticent on the experience of the CPC and the People's Republic of China. The CPC supported the right of secession before 1935 but in the several constitutions promulgated after the revolution the right of secession for the nationalities of Mongolia, Tibet, Sinkiang and the Chuang was terminated. The notion of a free federation of nationalities was replaced by the idea of a unified multi-national state. Mao did not implement the Leninist-Stalinist nationality policy.

The AIPRF is inspired by the CPC and Mao. In this circumstance it may be legitimately asked: why should the Kashmiris, the Nagas, the Manipuris, the Bodos and other oppressed nationalities throughout India accept the assurances put forward by the AIPRF that they support the right of secession? Will they not be betrayed as were the Mongolians, the Tibetans, the Chuang, the nationalities of Sinkiang? The professions of the AIPRF shall only be taken seriously if they demarcate their positions from those of the CPC and Mao Zedong just as vigorously as they have distanced themselves from the positions of the CPI and CPI(M).

The papers of the three communist parties analysed below may be conveniently examined in the light of Lenin's thinking and the views of the CPC. The papers of the other international participants are not treated here as their contributions dealt only indirectly with the theoretical examination of the nationality question.

In 'The Discussion on Self-Determination Summed up' Lenin indicated the differing tactics of communists on the question of national self-determination of the oppressing and oppressed countries.

In the international education of the workers of the oppressor countries, emphasis must necessarily be laid on their advocating freedom for the oppressed countries to secede and their fighting for it. Without this there can be no internationalism. It is our right and duty to treat every Social-Democrat of an oppressor nation who fails to conduct such propaganda as a scoundrel and an imperialist (V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 22, Moscow, 1964, p. 346).

With respect to the tactics of communists of the oppressed country Lenin stated:

a Social-Democrat from a small nation must emphasise in his agitation the second word of our general formula: "Voluntary integration" of nations. (op. cit. p. 347)

Let us see how the CPC fares in the light of Lenin.

An examination of the Constitution of the Chinese Soviet Republic which was promulgated in 1931 reveals that the CPC upheld the Marxist position:

The Soviet Government in China recognise the right of self-determination of the national minorities in China, their right to complete separation from China, the formation of an independent state for each national minority. All Mongolians, Tibetans, Miao, Yao, Koreans and others living in the territory of China, shall enjoy the full right to self-determination i.e. they may either join the Chinese Soviet state or secede from it and form their own state as they prefer (ed. Bela Kun: 'The Fundamental Law of the Chinese Soviet Republic', London, 1934, p. 22).

By 1938 the CPC gave its new understanding:

'the Mongolians, the Mohammedans, the Tibetans, the Miaos, the Yiaos, the Yees, and the Fangs, etc., must have equality with the Chinese people. Under the condition of struggle against Japan they must have the right to self-determination and at the same time they should continue to unite with the Chinese people to form one nation'. (Mao Tse-tung, 'The New Stage', Chungking, n.d., p. 48)

Under the new logic the communists of the oppressing Han nation no longer advocated the freedom of secession of the minority nationalities, they stressed only self-determination (in the abstract) and equality with the Chinese nation, and demanded their unity with the Chinese people to form one nation (i.e. asked the minority nationalities to obliterate themselves in the Han Chinese nation).

The CPC continued its headlong retreat from Leninist-Stalinist nationality principles. By 1945 it simply adopted the positions of Sun Yat-sen who recognised self-determination (but not secession) of the minority nationalities. Thus we read in the first Indian edition of Mao's 'On Coalition Government':

In the Manifesto of the First National Congress of the Kuomintang (1924), Dr. Sun Yat-sen said: "The nationalism of the Kuomintang has a two fold meaning: the self-emancipation of the Chinese nation, and the equality of all races in China".

Then he said: "The Kuomintang can state with solemnity that it recognises the right of self-determination of all Chinese republics (i.e. formed with the voluntary consent of the various races) as soon as the war against imperialism and war-lords is victoriously concluded".

The Kungchantang (the CPC - ed. R.D.) is in complete accord with Dr. Sun's racial and national policy indicated above. (Mao Tse-tung, 'The Way Out of China's Civil War', Bombay, 1946, p. 66).

In 1945 the CPC argued for national self-determination (as soon as the war was concluded), rejected the policy of advocating secession for the minority nationalities, and opted for the equality of nationalities in the Chinese state.

The first Constitution of the People's Republic of China which was promulgated in 1954 represented a retreat even from its earlier acceptance of the principles of Sun Yat-sen on the national question. In Article 3 we read:

The People's Republic of China is a single multi-national state.

All the nationalities are equal. Discrimination against, or oppression of, any nationality, and acts which undermine the unity of the nationalities are prohibited..

Regional autonomy applies in areas where people of national minorities live in compact communities. National autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the People's Republic of China. ('Documents of the First Session of the First National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China', Peking, 1955, p. 136)

The 1954 Constitution as can be seen unequivocally rejected national self-determination and the right to secession, illegalised attempts to implement the right to secession, established a mere formal equality of the nationalities, and introduced 'Regional Autonomy', which for the Bolsheviks was founded on the principle of secession, as a substitute for secession itself.

Lenin, as we have seen, declared that the failure to advocate freedom of secession for the oppressed countries and to fight for it by communists of the oppressing country had the following implication: 'It is our right and duty to treat every Social-Democrat of an oppressor nation who fails to conduct such propaganda as a scoundrel and an imperialist'.

After this excursus into the history of the CPC we are in a better position to scrutinise the stances of international communist parties represented in the seminar.

In his paper entitled 'A Maoist Perspective On The National Question In The U.S. And On A World Scale', Raymond Lotta of the Revolutionary Communist Party of the USA focussed on the Black Nationality Question.

This question was important in the U.S. because the heritage of chattel slavery and continued national oppression of the Afro-Americans had stamped every aspect of U.S. society and the Black people's resistance has been a decisive struggle in the country.

The Black nation was formed under conditions of slavery and after the Civil War under the feudal system of sharecropping in the Black Belt. The Black masses were denied democratic rights under the Jim Crow system. After the two World Wars huge migrations had taken place to the northern industrial belts but this did not end the distinct Black nation as they were not integrated into the Euro-American nation. Lotta traced the history of the Black people's struggles from the civil rights movements of the 1960s to the liberation struggles of the late 1960s and early 1970s right through to the Los Angeles rebellion of 1992. The revisionist CP USA, he noted, denied the existence of the black nation. The position of the RCP USA was that it defended the right of self-determination and upheld the right to establish a separate black state while striving to carry out a unified revolutionary struggle aimed at the establishment of 'a single unified state over the largest possible territory on the basis of the equality of nations', (p. 7). A number of lacuna immediately strike the eye. The RCP USA rejects the position proposed by the Executive Committee of the Communist International in 1930 that the right of self-determination of the Black nation was the main slogan of the Communist Party in the Black Belt. It fails to distinguish between the right and duty of the Communists of the oppressor Euro-American nation in the U.S. to advocate the right to secession for the Black nation (and the Puerto Ricans) and the duty of the Communists of the oppressed Black nation to stress the 'voluntary integration' of the nations in the U.S. The Euro-American members of the RCP USA turn Lenin upside down by advocating the tactical position of the Black communists. This error is compounded by the failure of the RCP USA to call for the establishment of a voluntary federation in the USA of the various nationalities, founded on the right of secession, and in its stead to strive for the establishment of a 'single unified state'.

In a paper devoted to the national question in the Philippines Luis Jalandoni, Member of the National Council of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, pointed out that there were a total of some forty minority nationalities in the country comprising ten million people or fifteen per cent of the population. The principal national minorities were the three million strong Moro people of Mindanao (who have been struggling for independence under the Moro National Liberation Front), the Lumads of Mindanao (two-three million) and the Igorot tribes in the Cordillera region in northern Luzon (one million). The reactionary pro-imperialist and pro-landlord governments have been seizing the ancestral lands of the minorities and passed them over to the land speculators, loggers, ranchers, mining companies and landlords. Under the Financial Technical Assistance Agreements over twenty per cent of the total land area of the country has been opened up for mining by the transnational corporations. The minority nationalities have been removed through military operations, through such 'development aggression' some two million internal refugees have been created the bulk of whom are indigenous peoples. In resistance to the depredations of imperialism a number of the minority nationalities have joined the revolutionary movement and are allied to the National Democratic Front.

While criticising the compromising stand of the Moro National Liberation Front in having signed the Tripoli Agreement in March 1977 with the Marcos government in which the MNLF agreed to accept regional autonomy in thirteen provinces, constituting sixty per cent of the Moro homeland, under the sovereignty of the reactionary state, the Communist Party of the Philippines has recognised 'their right to secede from the present reactionary state that has for so long oppressed them as a nation'. The CPP argues furthermore that 'Even when there shall be a people's democratic state in which the Moro people as a nation are in a position to enjoy regional autonomy, they shall still retain the right to secede as a safeguard against national oppression'. Once again we see an instance of the repudiation of the Leninist obligation for the Communists of the oppressing nation to advocate the right of secession. In place of conducting propaganda on these lines the CPP seeks to pre-empt the decision of the Moro nation by selling the notion of 'regional autonomy'. This policy is confirmed by the policy adopted by the First Conference of the National Democratic Front which reaffirmed the right of secession and then went ahead to negate it by stating its preference for encouraging the voluntary acceptance of 'genuine autonomy': 'Under a democratic Philippines where the equality of peoples and nationalities is guaranteed, the Bangsa Moros shall be encouraged to take the valid and viable option of a genuinely autonomous political rule'.

The views of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) on the national question in Nepal were presented by Hisila Yami, President, All-Nepal Women's Association (Revolutionary). It was argued that Nepal is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal state which is dominated by British, Japanese, German and U.S. imperialism as well as by the Indian expansionists. Indian capitalists control about eighty per cent of Nepali industry and trade. India is the dominant trade partner of Nepal, it supplies manufactures to Nepal and in turn receives primary products and cheap labour. Moreover it exploits the vast water resources of Nepal through unequal treaties. The Indian rulers engage in constant political manipulations to put their puppets in power, going to the extent of armed intervention to crush rebellion in Nepal as occurred in 1953 when the Indian army put down the peasant uprising led by Bhim Dutta Pant in Western Nepal.

Nepal is a multi-national state in which the Khas nationality dominates the state and oppresses the nationalities of the Tibetan-Burman group of languages as well as other nationalities. The Khas language belongs to the Indo-European family of languages. Other nationalities which belong to the same language group are the Newari nationality in the Katmandu Valley, the Maithili and Bhojpuri nationalities in the southern Terai region. A number of nationalities belong to the Tibeto-Burman language group: the Rai, Limbu, Lepcha, Sherpa, Sunwar in the eastern Hills; Tamang in the central Hills; the Gurung, Magar, Thakali and Chantel in the western hills; the Tharu in the western Terai and inner Terai; the Dhimal, Rajvanshi, Gangai, Meche in the eastern Terai; and the Majhi, Darai, Kumul, Raute, Raji and Dhanuwar in the inner Terai. While the Khas nationality oppresses the other nationalities no single nationality constitutes a numerical majority in Nepal.

The policy of the CPN(M) on the nationality question is determined by its interpretation of the writings of Lenin on the question. It argues that: 'the correct policy and programme of revolutionary Marxists on the national question would have to be based on the three pillars as specified by Lenin, namely: (i) complete equality of rights for all nations, (ii) the rights of nations to self-determination, and (iii) the unity of workers of all nations', (Hisila Yami, 'National Question in Nepal' pp. 2-3, citing V.I. Lenin, 'Collected Works', Vol. 20, Moscow, 1964, p. 454).

Lenin in fact does say this but he immediately precedes this with the following passage which is omitted:

the proletariat of Russia is faced with a two-fold, or rather, a two-sided task: to combat nationalism of every kind, above all, Great-Russian nationalism; to recognise, not only fully equal rights for all nations in general, but also equality of rights as regards polity, i.e., the right of nations to self-determination, to secession, (V.I. Lenin, op. cit., p. 453-54).

As can be readily understood the CPN(M) rejects the right of secession of the oppressed nationalities of Nepal and substitutes in its place a demand for 'autonomy' on the basis of a clear distortion of the teachings of Lenin.

The logic given by the CPN(M) for rejecting the right to secession for the oppressed nationalities of Nepal is that they are: 'keeping in view the low level of development of the nationalities' (Hisila Yami, op. cit., p. 10). It thus seems that the views of Lenin and Stalin require emendation. To the principle of the right of nations to secession the Communists must inscribe a rider: 'we support the right of nations to secession except when the nationalities are at a low level of development'. The CPN(M) viewpoint is a throwback to the view projected in the period of the Second International. Stalin pointed out that its leaders 'hesitated to put white and black, "civilised" and "uncivilised" on the same plane' (J. Stalin, 'Works', Vol. 6, Moscow, 1953, p. 143). Leninism transformed this understanding, Stalin continued, 'Now we can say that this duplicity and half-heartedness in dealing with the national question has been brought to an end. Leninism laid bare this crying incongruity, broke down the wall between whites and blacks, between Europeans and Asiatics, between the "civilised" and "uncivilised" slaves of imperialism, and thus linked the national question with the question of the colonies' (Ibid., pp. 143-44).

The international seminar on the nationality question reveals in a transparent form that the views of the AIPRF on the nationality question, in common with several revolutionary organisations in India, stand far in advance of the perspectives of the general run of parties which share the ideological perceptions of the AIPRF in other parts of the globe.

Click here to return to the April 1996 index.

http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv2n1/aiprf.htm



States and territories of India

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2011)

India is a federal union of states[1] comprising twenty-eight states and seven union territories. The states and territories are furthersubdivided into districts and so on.[1]

Contents

 [hide]

List of states and territories

States of India
Name↓ Population↓ Area
(km2)↓		 Language↓ Capital↓ Largest city
(if not capital)↓		 No. of Districts↓ No. of Villages↓ No. of Towns↓ Population density↓ Literacy Rate(%)↓ Percentage of Urban Population to total Population↓ Sex Ratio↓ Sex Ratio
(0-6)↓
Andhra Pradesh 84,665,533 275,045 Telugu, Urdu Hyderabad 23 28,123 210 308 67.66 27.3 992 961
Arunachal Pradesh 1,382,611 83,743 Itanagar 16 4,065 17 17 66.95 20.8 920 964
Assam 31,169,272 78,550 Assamese,Bodo, Rabha dialect,Deori,Bengali Dispur Guwahati 23 26,312 125 397 73.18 12.9 954 965
Bihar 103,804,637 99,200 Hindi,Bhojpuri,Maithili,Magadhi Patna 37 45,098 130 1102 63.82 10.5 916 942
Chhattisgarh 25,540,196 135,194 Chattisgarhi,Hindi Raipur 16 20,308 97 189 71.04 20.1 991 975
Goa 1,457,723 3,702 Konkani,Marathi Panaji Vasco da Gama 2 359 44 394 87.40 49.8 968 938
Gujarat 60,383,628 196,024 Gujarati Gandhinagar Ahmedabad 25 18,539 242 308 79.31 37.4 918 883
Haryana 25,353,081 44,212 Haryanvi(Western Hindi) Chandigarh
(shared)		 Faridabad 21 6,955 106 573 76.64 28.9 877 819
Himachal Pradesh 6,856,509 55,673 Western Hindi Shimla 12 20,118 57 123 83.78 9.8 920 896
Jammu and Kashmir 12,548,926 222,236 Kashmiri,Dogri Srinagar (summer)
Jammu (winter)		 14 6,652 75 124 68.74 24.8 883 941
Jharkhand 32,966,238 74,677 Hindi Ranchi Jamshedpur 24 32,615 152 414 67.63 22.2 947 965
Karnataka 61,130,704 191,791 Kannada Bengaluru 30 29,406 270 319 75.60 34.0 968 946
Kerala 33,387,677 38,863 Malayalam Thiruvananthapuram 14 1,364 159 859 93.91 26.0 1,084 960
Madhya Pradesh 72,597,565 308,252 Hindi Bhopal Indore 45 55,393 394 236 70.63 26.5 930 932
Maharashtra 112,372,972 307,713 Marathi Mumbai 35 43,711 378 365 82.91 42.4 925 913
Manipur 2,721,756 22,347 Manipuri Imphal 9 2,391 33 122 79.85 25.1 987 957
Meghalaya 2,964,007 22,720 Khasi, Pnar Shillong 7 6,026 16 132 75.48 19.6 986 973
Mizoram 1,091,014 21,081 Mizo Aizawl 8 817 22 52 91.58 49.6 975 964
Nagaland 1,980,602 16,579 Angami, Ao languages, Chang,Chakhesang, Konyak, and Sema Kohima Dimapur 11 1,317 9 119 80.11 17.2 931 964
Odisha(formerly Orissa) 41,947,358 155,820 Odia Bhubaneswar 30 51,349 138 269 73.45 15.0 978 953
Punjab 27,704,236 50,362 Punjabi Chandigarh
(shared)		 Ludhiana 17 12,673 157 550 76.68 33.9 893 798
Rajasthan 68,621,012 342,269 Rajasthani
(Western Hindi)		 Jaipur 32 41,353 222 201 67.06 23.4 926 909
Sikkim 607,688 7,096 Nepali Gangtok 4 452 9 86 82.20 11.1 889 963
Tamil Nadu 72,138,958 130,058 Tamil Chennai 30 16,317 832 480 80.33 44.0 995 942
Tripura 3,671,032 10,491.69 Bengali Agartala 4 870 23 555 87.75 17.1 961 966
Uttar Pradesh 199,581,477 243,286 Hindi, Urdu[2] Lucknow Kanpur 72 107,452 704 828 69.72 20.8 908 916
Uttarakhand 10,116,752 53,566 Western Hindi Dehradun (interim) 13 16,826 86 189 79.63 25.7 963 908
West Bengal 91,347,736 88,752 Bengali,Urdu, Nepali,Santali Kolkata 18 40,782 375 1,029 77.08 28.0 947 960
Union Territories
Name↓ Population↓ Language↓ Capital↓ Largest city↓ No. of Districts↓ No. of Villages↓ No. of Towns↓ Population density↓ Literacy Rate(%)↓ Percentage of Urban Population to total Population↓ Sex Ratio↓ Sex Ratio(0-6)↓
Andaman and Nicobar Islands 379,944 Bengali Port Blair 2 547 3 46 86.27 32.6 878 957
Chandigarh 1,054,686 Punjabi Chandigarh 1 24 1 9,252 86.43 89.8 818 845
Dadra and Nagar Haveli 342,853 MarathiandGujarati Silvassa 1 70 2 698 77.65 22.9 775 979
Daman and Diu 242,911 Gujarati Daman 2 23 2 2169 87.07 36.2 618 926
Lakshadweep 64,429 Malayalam Kavaratti Andrott 1 24 3 2013 92.28 44.5 946 959
National Capital Territory 16,753,235 Hindi New Delhi 9 165 62 11,297 86.34 93.2 866 868
Pondicherry 1,244,464 French andTamil Pondicherry 4 92 6 2,598 86.55 66.6 1,038 967

Responsibilities and authorities of the states compared to the national government

Map of India showing its subdivision into states and territories
The 28 states and 7 union territories of India

The Constitution of India distributes the sovereign powers exercisable with respect to the territory of any State between the Union and that State. "Article 73 broadly stated, provides that the executive power of the Union shall extend to the matters with respect to which Parliament has power to make laws. Article 162 similarly provides that the executive power of a State shall extend to the matters with respect to which the Legislature of a State has power to make laws. The Supreme Court has reiterated this position when it ruled in the Ramanaiah case that the executive power of the Union or of the State broadly speaking, iscoextensive and coterminous with its respective legislative power." (italics in original)[3]

Wiki letter w cropped.svg This section requires expansion.

History

Pre-1956

States and
territories of India by:
Area
Population
Highest Point
GDP
HDI
Tax revenues
Voters
Abbreviations
Natural growth rate
Vaccination
Literacy rate
Electricity
Capitals
Media exposure
Origin of name
HIV awareness
Household size
Underweight people
Place of worship
TV ownership
Transport network
Power capacity
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The subcontinent of India has been ruled by many different ethnic groups throughout its history, each imposing their own administrative divisions on the region.[citation needed]

After 1956

The former French and Portuguese colonies in India were incorporated into the Republic as the union territories of Puducherry, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Goa, Daman, and Diu in 1962.

Several new states and union territories have been created out of existing states since 1956. Bombay State was split into the linguistic states ofGujarat and Maharashtra on 1 May 1960[4] by the Bombay Reorganization Act. Nagaland was made a state on 1 December 1963.[5]The Punjab Reorganization Act of 1966 divided the Punjab along linguistic lines, creating a new Hindi-speaking state of Haryana on 1 November,[6]transferring the northern districts of Punjab to Himachal Pradesh, and designating Chandigarh, the shared capital of Punjab and Haryana, a union territory.[citation needed]

Statehood was conferred upon Himachal Pradesh[7] on 25 January 1971,Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura[8] on 21 January 1972 the Kingdom ofSikkim joined the Indian Union as a state on 26 April 1975.[9] In 1987,Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram became states on 20 February, followed by Goa on 30 May, while Goa's northern exclaves of Daman and Diubecame a separate union territory.[10]

In 2000 three new states were created; Chhattisgarh (1 November 2000) was created out of eastern Madhya Pradesh, Uttaranchal (9 November 2000), since renamed Uttarakhand, was created out of the Hilly regions of northwest Uttar Pradesh, and Jharkhand (15 November 2000) was created out of the southern districts of Bihar.[citation needed] The Union Territories of Delhi and Puducherry have since been given the right to elect their own legislatures and they are now counted as small states

Late 2009

Ahead of the 2009 General Elections in India, all the major parties in Andhra Pradesh supported statehood for Telangana.

On 9 December 2009, 11:30 PM, Mr. P. Chidambaram, Union Minister of Home Affairs, on behalf of the Government of India, announced that a resolution in the Andhra Pradesh assembly for the creation of a separate Telangana state would be passed. Mr. Chidambaram also stated that the process for the formation of a separate Telangana state would be initiated. It was not clear if this initiation of the process meant discussion with everyone involved on how to divide the state or whether the division of the state was being officially announced.

As a result of this unilateral decision by the Government of India, several members of Andhra Pradesh's legislature submitted their resignations to protest the creation of the new state owing to the pressure from the people in their constituencies.[11] As of 11 December, at least 117 legislators and many Members of Parliament had resigned in protest of the Government's decision to carve out a new state of Telangana.[12]

Due to the unexpected turn of events, after the parties which promised support to the Telangana state formation on 7 December 2009 in a unanimous all-party meeting at the State level, presided by CM, Rosaiah, and later the party members of these parties made a U-turn on their support bowing to the pressure from the people in their constituency following the 9 December statement (in support of Telangana state process initiation), the federal government made another statement on 23 December to clarify its intention on the process that it would consult with all groups, political and non-political, before moving forward. It then formed the Justice Sri Krishna committee which has been touring the state consulting with different sections of the society. A report recommending a solution suitable to all constituents is expected to be submitted before 31 December 2010.[13]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b "States and union territories". Retrieved 2007-09-07.
  2. ^ http://uplegassembly.nic.in/UPLL.HTML
  3. ^ Territoriality of executive powers of states in India, Balwant Singh Malik, Constitutional Law, 1998.
  4. ^ J.C. Aggarwal and S.P. Agrawal, editors, Uttarakhand: Past, Present, and Future (New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 1995), p89-90
  5. ^ [1] Nagaland History & Geography-Source india.gov.in
  6. ^ [2] The Punjab Reorganization Act of 1966
  7. ^ [3] Statehood Himachal Pradesh
  8. ^ [4] Snapshot of North Eastern States
  9. ^ [5] Sikkim joins Indian Inion
  10. ^ [6] Goa Chronology
  11. ^ Press Trust of India (10 December 2009). "60 AP MLAs submit resignation to protest Telangana creation". Business Standard. Retrieved 10 December 2009.
  12. ^ "Telangana: Shutdown in Andhra Pradesh, 117 legislators quit". Times of India. 11 December 2009. Retrieved 10 December 2009.
  13. ^ "Srikrishna report by Dec. 31". Deccan Chronicle. 27 October 2010. Retrieved 10 November 2010.

External links


Historic Darjeeling pact signed, Gorkhas celebrate
Anirban Choudhury, Hindustan Times
Pintail, Siliguri, July 18, 2011

If Darjeeling never grew beyond a summer vacation spot and the people of hills were a neglected lot, the Centre and the West Bengal government on Monday put a historic seal to pave way for a new beginning for them. The people of the hills, after decades of agitation, can finally claim  that they have achieved something as a tripartite agreement ushered in the new Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA).
The main architect of the deal, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, however, was categorical in stating that there was no question of dividing Bengal and declared: "Darjeeling is not something outside Bengal".

The crowd which had been erupting in applause at every statement of leaders, heard it with a stoic silence.

Bimal Gurung, President of Gorkha Janamukti Morcha told reporters after the function that the demand for Gorkhaland is still there but the present task was to effectively implement the agreement.

But the crowd had many things to cheer about.

The tripartite agreement paved way for more scope of self governance with a generous grant of Rs 200 crore per year from the center for three years in addition to the state's allocations.

In great many ways, the GJM leaders representing the hill people will now get wider scope of addressing the development issues - starting from educational institutions to agriculture, land revenue to research, building infrastructure to constructing bridges and roads.

The picturesque Pintail village, on the outskirts of Siliguri town, provided an ideal setting to ink the important deal.

Hill people and GJM supporters, dressed in their traditional attire came in thousands to attend the meet. They danced and sang and played traditional instruments converting the venue into a fair of celebration.

Union Home Minister P Chidambaram had a piece of advice to the new body.

"It must accept the plurality of the region and recognise the hopes and aspirations of the different groups of people," Chidambaram said.

He pointed at GJM President Bimal Gurung and Mamata Banerjee and explained that "it was because of these two people that the years of strife in hills will end".

The Left Front stayed away from the function and received flak from the chief minister.

"They sat on the agreement and politicised the issue," she said and amid thundering claps announced "hills and the plains are the two sisters".

It was on August 22, 1988 when another important tripartite agreement to form the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was signed at a glitterng ceremony at the Banquet Hall of Raj Bhavan in Kolkata.

Then the signatories were CG Somaih, former Union home secretary, RN Sengupta, the then state chief secretary and Gorkha leader Subash Ghising.

As they signed documents, former Union home minister Buta Singh and former Bengal chief minister, Jyoti Basu looked on to put the first ever stamp of approval to recognise the aspirations of the hill people.

At Pintail the signatories were Union home ministry's joint secretary KK Pathak, state's home secretary GD Gautama and GJM leader Roshan Giri. Host of other Union ministers and state ministers were also present at the dais.

The new body has the word "Gorkhaland" which, for a large section of people in the hills and plains, is a major step towards forming a brand new state.

Many believe that the agreement will only bring temporary relief to the hills as the region has a tradition of resorting to the agitation if authorities fail to deliver.

Subash Ghising had an uninterrupted rule of 20 years but people threw him, literally out of the hills, without any hesitation.

Bimal Gurung has to deliver and Mamata Banerjee has to provide able support. Otherwise, the statehood demand, so dear to the people of the hills, will just be a matter of time before used again to ignite passions and return to agitation.

* New body to hold election within six months
* GTA will be headed by a chariman having 45 elected members and another five nominated by the governor
* GTA will get sweeping powers to set up educational institutes and undertake developmental works.
* High powered committee to probe feasibility of including new areas to the GTA in the Dooars and Terai region
* GTA to receive annual grant of Rs 200 crores in addition to state sanctions
* GTA will have greater autonomy than the erstwhile DGHC
* State and centre to help set educational and research institutions
* State to announce special package for Darjeeling
* Gorkhas to apply to backward classes department for tribal status

http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/westbengal/Historic-Darjeeling-pact-signed-Gorkhas-celebrate/Article1-722522.aspx

18 JUL, 2011, 09.14PM IST, DEBASIS SARKAR & TAMAL SENGUPTA,ET BUREAU

Darjeeling accord lead final cleared

SUKHNA: Darjeeling's much awaited 3-way accord has got signed finally. A delirious Gorkha population danced and sang all day and till late into the night on Monday, long after the historic function at Pintail Village, a resort on the outskirts of Siliguri, ended. The only thing that remains to be seen now is whether peace finally returns to the Darjeeling hills, giving back to the Queen of the Hills its former glory.


Present on the occasion of the historic tripartite agreement were union home minister P Chidambaram, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, her cabinet colleagues and union railway minister Dinesh Trivedi. Present on behalf of the Gorkhas were Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM) president Bimal Gurung and all his key men.


The signatories to the deal were West Bengal home secretary G D Gautama, union home secretary K K Pathak and GJM general secretary Roshan Giri. The agreement was signed in the presence of 10 ministers from the centre and state governments.


Describing the agreement as "historic", the chief minister told the GJM leadership: "After your long struggle, a moment of peace has come. Henceforth, you will govern Darjeeling. I appeal to you to make Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Kurseong and the entire West Bengal more beautiful."


Everybody on the dias, in the vicinity and right up to the tiniest villages on the hills - where they watched the programme on television - was happy.


The chief minister declared : "Elections to the new Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) will take place within six months from today and I believe you in the GJM, would be able to run the hill administration more effectively and beautifully. Darjeeling is in West Bengal and to me Siliguri and Darjeeling are two sisters. Today's agreement will strengthen the bond between the people of the plains and the hills, even though I know it very well that moves are afoot to divide the people in order to extract very narrow political mileage." She was referring to the moves made by the Left parties and some local tribal elements in Darjeeling district against the agreement.


The GTA will replace the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC), that was formed after the 1988 tripartite accord between the centre, state and the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), which was then the face of the Gorkha community's aspirations.


The chief minister announced some development schemes for Darjeeling hills moments before the agreement got signed. She announced that super-speciality hospitals would be set up in all the sub-divisions of the Darjeeling hills. The proposed GTA will be given adequate financial support to promote tourism. A bridge will be constructed, she said, on the river Teesta and new schools and colleges would also be set up in the hills to enable local people educate their children.


Speaking on the occasion, home minister Mr Chidambaram assured that "the GTA will get full support from both the Centre and the state". "Both the governments will stand beside you in running the new administration. In fact, the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and the Union finance minister Pranab Mukherjee had all wanted to be here today. They have conveyed their good wishes to the people of the hills" Mr Chidambaram said.


The Union home minister added : "I congratulate Mamata Banerjee and GJM leader Bimal Gurung as I feel that the situation for signing the agreement has been created due to their sincere and tireless efforts. I also believe that there is no hurdle in this universe which cannot be overcome through dialogue and negotiations. But I must tell you that today's development has been possible due to two persons only - Mamata Banerjee and Biman Gurung."


An absolutely over-joyed GJM president Bimal Gurung said : "We are thankful to Mamata-didi for giving us this happy moment, which could have come much earlier." The chief minister said in return : "The GTA has been formed for Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong. The state and the center will extend all help to it. But we all want a strong Bengal. Nothing comes in the name. Only work matters".

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/darjeeling-accord-lead-final-cleared/articleshow/9274060.cms


Hills pact spurs speculations, fear

Jayanta Gupta, Deep Gazmer & Pinak Priya Bhattacharya, TNN | Jul 18, 2011, 02.47am IST
DARJEELING/SILIGURI: A day before theGorkhaland Territorial Agreement (GTA) is signed, emotions ran high among the people from the Hills as well as the plain land. While some were ecstatic, some looked outraged and others maintained a stoic silence. Questions are already doing the rounds on how long this latest euphoria will last before the Hills witness another round of unrest. Nearly 23 years ago, a similar accord was signed between Subhas Ghising's GNLF, the Centre and the state in Kolkata. However, the pact failed to bring any significant development in the region.

"Before long, you will find a breakaway faction of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) spearheading yet another agitation for separate statehood. Trouble is that none of the leaders have got a specific roadmap for development. They are simply riding the waves of discontentment and identity crisis to create better lives for themselves. That is exactly what happened with the GNLF," said a retired school teacher in Sukna, barely a few kilometres away from where the agreement will be signed on Monday.

Though of Nepali origin, he didn't hesitate to point to a group of young men slicing bamboo with khukris across the road. The sticks they are preparing will be used to put up GJM flags along the route which West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Union home minister P Chidambaram will take on Monday.

"I don't hold out much hope with these sorts of people controlling things in the region. Ever since the new government in the state talked of sorting out the Darjeeling issue, youngsters such as these have been going around with an air of defiance. Threats have already started being issued on personal matters. Even those of Nepali origin are being forced to bear the brunt. I fear that just like Ghising, these people will start running the region like a fiefdom," he said.

Elsewhere, like in the Jalpaiguri district, there is always the concern of ethnic clashes breaking out. Though Kalchini MLA Wilson Champramari is expected to attend Monday's ceremony at Pintail village, people of non-Nepali origin have nothing to harp on, which would assure them of a peaceful existence.

"The situation is so tense that even a minor incident will lead to a major conflagration. The GJM leadership has not come out with a statement announcing that everybody will be treated equally. There was no need to push for the word 'Gorkhaland'. This reeks of parochialism. Tomorrow, we will have other groups seeking ethnic settlements. There was nothing wrong with the word 'Darjeeling'," a trader in Siliguri said. According to him, Mamata will have to tread carefully and stub out any kind of violence, the moment it starts. Given the state of affairs in Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri now, even a minor altercation can lead to extreme violence and throw all her plans for development in jeopardy.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata-/Hills-pact-spurs-speculations-fear/articleshow/9263643.cms

Fingers crossed in Hills ahead of landmark deal

Jayanta Gupta, Deep Gazmer & Pinak Priya Bhattacharya, TNN | Jul 18, 2011, 04.58am IST

DARJEELING/MIRIK/SILIGURI: Except for a few pockets in the hill subdivisions, Darjeeling wasn't celebrating on Sunday in anticipation of what Gorkha Janmukti Morcha leaders believe will be the first step towards the creation of a separateGorkhaland state.

In fact, there seemed to be an undercurrent of fear at many places. People, even those of Nepali origin, seemed apprehensive of what would happen onceGJM got additional powers after the signing of theGorkhaland Territorial Agreement between the Morcha, the state government and the Centre on Monday.

A trader in Mirik pointed to a Nepali cap in his shop window. He had to shell out `170 to buy it when GJM had made wearing it mandatory. "I hated wearing it when they forced us to do so," he said.

The GJM office in Mirik, which has received a fresh coat of paint, was locked. The leaders had all left for Siliguri to attend Monday's ceremony. The man on the street, however, was not sure what the 'ceremony' was all about.

"Oh, yes, I've heard Mama-ta didi is coming to Siliguri from Cooch Behar. There will be some sort of ceremony the-re. For us what matters is a better lifestyle. I shall continue to call out to tourists to have lunch at my restaurant even after the agreement is signed. I won't become a king even if a state called Gorkhaland is formed," a restaurant owner at the busy Mirik market said.

At places like Subedar Bus-ty Hall in Kurseong, though, celebrations started early on Saturday. Women — their faces smeared in abir — danced to local numbers past midnight. Near Salbari, close to Pintail village, where the pact will be signed, women were seen preparing buntings and streamers in yellow and green.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata-/Fingers-crossed-in-Hills-ahead-of-landmark-deal/articleshow/9265280.cms

GJM hard sells G-word
- State has acknowledged Gorkhaland demand: Morcha
VIVEK CHHETRI
*
Roshan Giri

Darjeeling, July 9: If the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha is looking for a selling point in the impending agreement with the state government, it can find one in the nomenclature of the proposed council that will govern the region.
The Morcha leadership is viewing the inclusion of the word Gorkhaland in the name of the elected body, the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, as a tacit acknowledgment by the state government that a demand for a separate Gorkhaland state is legitimate.
At the same time, the state government sees it as a sign of its spirit of give and take to accommodate the concerns of all sections as much as possible. Government sources pointed out that the word was part of a proposal drawn up during the tenure of the Left government.
Morcha general secretary Roshan Giri today said the inclusion of the word Gorkhaland in the name of the new set-up for the hills was "a moral victory" for the party.
"For the first time, the word Gorkhaland is in the official records. This is a step forward for us in our movement for a separate state. We still have not achieved our aspiration. But there is little doubt that by adding the word to the name of the new set-up, the state government has tacitly admitted that our demand for a separate state is legitimate. It is also an admission by the government that it recognises all that we have been saying about our separate identity," Giri said.
After a meeting of the Morcha and senior government officials at Writers' yesterday, both sides had said an agreement had been reached on all unresolved issues, including the nomenclature of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. The agreement is scheduled to be signed within a week.
Asked about the inclusion of the word Gorkhaland in the name of the hill authority, Mamata Banerjee had said: "What's in a name?"
Today, a Morcha leader said: "A lot is in the name. We had made it clear that we will settle for nothing short of statehood and that the new arrangement is only a temporary one. So the word Gorkhaland in the name of the new body will serve as a constant reminder to the people of the Darjeeling hills that our demand is very much alive."
According to a Morcha leader who attended yesterday's meeting, the state government had not objected to the inclusion of the word in the name of the hill set-up.
"This is perhaps because even while negotiating with the previous government, no one had any objections to the name (Gorkhaland Regional Authority) we had suggested," the leader said. "The government perhaps think that we will be happy with only this and once the agreement is signed, we will forget about our statehood demand. But this is unlikely to happen."
Yesterday, Morcha president Bimal Gurung had said that if a separate state of Telangana was formed, "I will immediate raise our statehood issue".
Chief secretary Samar Ghosh refused comment on Gurung's observations, saying: "It's their interpretation. It's their perspective. We cannot react on this. The issue of statehood never featured during the talks. The matter was not even raised."
The Opposition parties in the hills did not, however, sound too enthused about the inclusion of the word Gorkhaland in the new hill set-up's name. "It is just a ploy by the Morcha to confuse the people," said R.B. Rai, the president of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists and former Darjeeling MP.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110710/jsp/bengal/story_14219830.jsp

GJM, state finalize draft on Darjeeling

Times of India - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
The council now has a name — Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. If eyebrows were raised on the use of the term 'Gorkhaland,' Mamata came out in defence of Gorkhas. "How is it that we will neither give them a name, nor territory, nor love? ...

A step forward

Indian Express - ‎Jul 11, 2011‎
The draft memorandum of understanding, signed last week between the West Bengal government and the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha and thereon dispatched to the Centre, calls the new administrative body for the Darjeeling Hills the "Gorkhaland Territorial ...

Draft of Gorkhaland accord finalised, to be signed soon

iNewsOne - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
Kolkata, July 8 (IANS) Pro-Gorkhaland group Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM) and the West Bengal government Friday agreed to name the proposed new autonomous hill development body for Darjeeling 'Gorkhaland Territorial Administration' and finalised the ...

Draft finalises Gorkhaland name for region

Deccan Chronicle - Kaushik Pradhan - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
Later state chief secretary Samar Ghosh informed that the name of the proposed new autonomous authority for the Darjeeling Hills would be Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) which would replace the existing Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) ...

Govt, GJM agree on contours of new Hill body

Indian Express - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
The new body will be known as Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) instead of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, and will have neither any legislative power nor the authority to collect taxes. Instead, it could collect levy from the tea gardens ...

GJM hard sells G-word

Calcutta Telegraph - Vivek Chhetri - ‎Jul 9, 2011‎

The Morcha leadership is viewing the inclusion of the word Gorkhaland in the name of the elected body, the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration, as a tacit acknowledgment by the state government that a demand for a separate Gorkhaland state is ...

GJM, West Bengal agree on draft pact

The Hindu - Marcus Dam - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎

It has been proposed that the new set-up will be called the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. A nine-member committee comprising representatives of the GJM, the State government, and the Centre will look into the contentious issue of the inclusion ...

CLIMBING UP

Calcutta Telegraph - ‎Jul 11, 2011‎
What is particularly remarkable about the agreement is that it steers clear of not only the issue of a Gorkhalandstate but also the controversies over the new set-up's territorial reach. Bimal Gurung, the GJM president, had cast some doubts over the ...

West Bengal to forward separate Gorkha agreement to central government

Newstrack India - ‎Jul 9, 2011‎
... for the Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) to be carried forward, Gorkha Janmukti Morcha General Secretary Roshan Giri has said the agreement will now be presented before the central government to facilitate the creation of a separate Gorkhaland state. ...

Draft MoA on Darjeeling Signed

Outlook - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
PTI | Kolkata | Jul 08, 2011 The draft memorandum of agreement on Darjeeling was signed today and will be sent to the Centre shortly with the proposed new hill council likely to be named Gorkhaland Territorial Administration....

Bengal, GJM sign draft pact

Expressindia.com - Madhuparna Das - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
According to the agreement, signed by Home Secretary GD Gautama and GJM general secretary Roshan Giri, the new administrative body will be known as the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration. Earlier it was called Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. ...

Mamata GJM finalised draft for tripartite meeting

Economic Times - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
The new body is likely to be names as Gorkhaland Terrotorial Administration (GTA). The crucial difference between the state government and the GJM had centred around the GJM's demand for inclusion about 398 mouzas from the planes of Terai and Dooars ...

Mamata likely to visit Hills next week

Times of India - ‎Jul 10, 2011‎
KOLKATA: Chief minister Mamata Banerjee is likely to visit Darjeeling on July 17 or 18 to attend a meeting on the tripartite agreement on Gorkha Territorial administration. Representatives from the union government, officers and ministers of the state ...

Govt finalises tripartite agreement draft for hills

Business Standard - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
The West Bengal government and the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) today finalised the draft of the tripartite agreement involving the Centre to end the the political impasse in the hill areas of Darjeeling. Both the parties also decided to set up a ...

Draft MoA on Darjeeling signed

IBNLive.com - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
PTI | 09:07 PM,Jul 08,2011 "There will be provision of transfer of new territory to the new authority based on the recommendations of the committee that my be accepted," Ghosh said.A bill would be placed in the state Assembly after the signing of the ...

Final shape given to draft agreement on Darjeeling

IBNLive.com - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
PTI | 07:07 PM,Jul 08,2011 Kolkata, Jul 8 (PTI) The draft memorandum of agreement on Darjeeling has been given final shape and will be sent to the Centre soon.The state government will now send the draft to the Centre, said Gorkha Janmukti Morcha ...

Hill deal to be signed in 7 days

Calcutta Telegraph - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
The new authority will be called the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) and will replace the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. The name was decided in today's meeting. Mamata said the agreement reached between the Morcha and the state government ...

West Bengal to forward separate Gorkha agreement to central government

TruthDive - ‎Jul 9, 2011‎
A renewed demand for a separate Gorkhaland region, which would include Darjeeling and some contiguous areas of Jalpaiguri District, has created fresh turmoil over the past few months. The Gorkha population in West Bengal is estimated to be around a ...

Final shape given to draft agreement on Darjeeling

Deccan Herald - ‎Jul 8, 2011‎
The draft memorandum of agreement on Darjeeling has been given final shape and will be sent to the Centre soon. The state government will now send the draft to the Centre, said Gorkha Janmukti Morcha General Secretary Roshan Giri after a meeting with ...
4:03 am, December 2, 2008

Bail order pending for GNLF leaders

Statesman News Service DARJEELING, Dec. 1: The chief judicial magistrate court in Darjeeling could not give release order to GNLF leaders Mr CB Subba and Mr Tika Khati along with four others who have been granted bail by Calcutta High Court, because the court has not received a certified copy of the bail order. Altogether 14 GNLF [...]

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2:03 pm, August 20, 2008
A Case for Gorkhaland, the socio-economic perspective - By Udaya Mani Pradhan

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4:57 am, August 15, 2008
THE NEVER-ENDING WAIT FOR A HOMELAND - Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal

THE NEVER-ENDING WAIT FOR A HOMELAND -Dr. Sonam B. Wangyal The following is a chronicle of the long and enduring struggle of a peoples' movement for a separate homeland for over a hundred years. It is not a testament to ridicule or chastise our Bengali counterparts but simply to let them understand the sense of helpless predicament [...]

2:18 am, August 15, 2008
Welcome to The Gorkhaland Chronicle

Hello and welcome. Happy Independence Day. It is so very apt that the birth of The Gorkhaland Chronicle should coincide with the most important day in this country's history. At the stroke of midnight, 61 years ago, India gained independence from her British rulers. This was the culmination of decades of perseverance and sacrifice, of revolution, of hope [...]

http://www.gorkhaland.info/

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-- 

Gorkhaland

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Gorkhaland (Nepali: गोर्खाल्याण्ड) is the name of the proposed state in India demanded by the Nepali/Gorkhali-speaking Gorkha ethnic group in Darjeeling and the Dooars in north West Bengal. The demand for a separate administrative unit in this region has existed since 1907, when the Hillmen's Association of Darjeeling submitted a memorandum to Minto-Morley Reforms demanding a separate administrative setup.[1]

View of Darjeeling, where the Gorkhaland movement is based

In Independent India, Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League (ABGL) was the first political party from the region to demand greater identity for the Gorkha ethnic group and economic freedom for the community.

The movement for a separate state gained serious momentum during the 1980s, when a violent agitation was carried out byGorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) led by Subash Ghising. The agitation ultimately led to the establishment of a semiautonomous body in 1988 called the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) to govern certain areas of Darjeeling district. However, in 2008, a new party called the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha raised the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland once again.[2]

Contents

 [hide]

[edit]History of the Area

Before the 1780s, the area of Darjeeling formed a part of dominions of the Chogyal of Sikkim, who had been engaged in unsuccessful warfare against the Gorkhas of Nepal. From 1780, the Gorkhas made several attempts to capture the entire region of Darjeeling. By the beginning of 19th century, they had overrun Sikkim as far eastward as the Teesta River and had conquered and annexed the Terai.

In the meantime, the British were engaged in preventing the Gorkhas from overrunning the whole of the northern frontier. The Anglo-Gorkhawar broke out in 1814, which resulted in the defeat of the Gorkhas and subsequently led to the signing of the Sugauli Treaty in 1815. According to the treaty, Nepal had to cede all those territories which the Gorkhas had annexed from the Chogyal of Sikkim to the British East India Company (i.e. the area between Mechi River and Teesta river).

Later in 1817, through the Treaty of Titalia, the British East India Company reinstated the Chogyal of Sikkim, restored all the tracts of land between the Mechi River and the Teesta river to the Chogyal of Sikkim and guaranteed his sovereignty.

General view of Darjeeling, in 1870

The controversy did not end there. Later, in 1835, the hill of Darjeeling, including an enclave of 138 square miles (360 km2), was given to the British East India Company by Sikkim, executed with a controversial Deed of Grant. In November 1864, the Treaty of Sinchula was executed, in which theBhutan Dooars with the passes leading into the hills and Kalimpong were ceded to the British byBhutan. The present Darjeeling district can be said to have assumed its present shape and size in 1866 with an area of 1234 sq. miles.

Prior to 1861 and from 1870–1874, Darjeeling District was a "Non-Regulated Area" (where acts and regulations of the British Raj did not automatically apply in the district in line with rest of the country, unless specifically extended). From 1862 to 1870, it was considered a "Regulated Area". The term "Non-Regulated Area" was changed to "Scheduled District" in 1874 and again to "Backward Tracts" in 1919. The status was known as "Partially Excluded Area" from 1935 until the independence of India.

[edit]Post-Independence India

In the 1980s, Subash Ghising raised the demand for the creation of a state called Gorkhaland within India to be carved out of the hills of Darjeeling and areas of Dooars and Siliguri terai contiguous to Darjeeling. The demand took a violent turn, which led to the death of over 1,200 people. This movement culminated with the formation of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) in 1988.

The DGHC elections were due in 2004. However, the government decided not to hold elections and instead made Subash Ghising the sole caretaker of the DGHC till a new Sixth Schedule council was established. Resentment among the former councilors of DGHC grew rapidly. Among them, Bimal Gurung, once the trusted aide of Ghising, decided to break away from the GNLF. Riding on a mass support for Prashant Tamang, an Indian Idol contestant from Darjeeling, Bimal quickly capitalized on the public support he received for supporting Prashant, and was able to overthrow Ghising from the seat of power. He went on to found the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha raising the demand a state of Gorkhaland.[3]

[edit]2009 BJP Support for Gorkhaland

Ahead of the 2009 general elections in India, the BJP again announced its policy of having smaller states and to create two more states,Telangana and Gorkhaland, if they won the general election. GJM supported the candidature of Jaswant Singh of BJP, who won the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat with 51.5% votes in his favour. In the July 2009 budget session of Parliament, three Parliamentarians—Rajiv Pratap Rudi, Sushma Swaraj and Jaswant Singh—strongly pleaded for creating a state of Gorkhaland.

[edit]Recent Developments

Singing Gorkhas in Darjeeling

The demand for Gorkhaland has taken a new turn with the assassination of Madan Tamang, leader of Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League. He was stabbed to death allegedly by Gorkha Janmukti Morcha supporters on May 21, 2010, in Darjeeling, which led to a spontaneous shutdown in the three Darjeeling hill sub-divisions of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong.[4][5]

After the murder, the West Bengal government threatened action against Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, whose senior leaders are named in the FIR, meanwhile hinting discontinuation of ongoing talks over interim arrangement with the Gorkha party, saying it had "lost popular support following the assassination".[6]

On 8 February 2011, three GJM activists were shot dead (one of whom succumbed to her injuries later) by the police as they tried to enter Jalpaiguri district on a padyatra led by Bimal Gurung fromGorubathan to Jaigaon. This led to violence in the Darjeeling hills and an indefinite strike was called by GJM that lasted 9 days.[7]

In the West Bengal state assembly election, 2011 held on 18 April 2011, GJM candidates won three Darjeeling hill assembly seats, proving that the demand for Gorkhaland was still strong in Darjeeling. GJM candidates Trilok Dewan won from Darjeeling constituency[8], Harka Bahadur Chhetri from Kalimpong constituency, and Rohit Sharma from Kurseong constituency.[9] Wilson Champramari, an independent candidate supported by GJM, also won from Kalchini constituency in the Dooars.[10]

[edit]References

  1. ^ The Parliament is the supreme and ultimate authority of India. Darjeeling Times, 23 November 2010.
  2. ^ Demand for Gorkhaland raised again. The Hindu, 16 November 2007.
  3. ^ Indian Idol reignites demand for Gorkhaland in Darjeeling hills. Live Mint, 19 March 2008.
  4. ^ "Gorkha leader Madan Tamang killed, Darjeeling tense". The Times of India. May 21, 2010.
  5. ^ Gazmer, Deep (May 22, 2010). "Gorkha leader Madan Tamang hacked in public". The Times of India.
  6. ^ Gazmer, Deep (May 26, 2010). "Tamang's murder threatens to derail Gorkhaland talks". The Times of India.
  7. ^ "2 killed in police firing on GJM protesters". The Hindu (Chennai, India).
  8. ^ http://www.hindustantimes.com/GJM-wins-Darjeeling-constituency-by-record-margin-of-votes/Article1-697453.aspx GJM wins Darjeeling constituency by record margin of votes
  9. ^ http://www.zeenews.com/news706214.html GJM wins three Assembly seats in Darjeeling
  10. ^ http://thestatesman.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=369474&catid=72 GJMM to finalise stand today

[edit]Bibliography

[edit]External links

सर्व शिक्षा मात्री भाषामा नहुनु सुक्ष्म गतिमा दास हुनु हो.


Gurkha

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For other uses, see Gorkha (disambiguation).
Monument to the Gurkha Soldier in Horse Guards Avenue, outside the Ministry of Defence, City of Westminster, London.

Gurkha (play /ˈɡɜrkə/ or /ˈɡʊərkə/; also spelled Gorkha or Ghurka; Nepali: गोर्खा) are people fromSouth Asia[1] who take their name from the 8th century Hindu warrior-saint Guru Gorakhnath.[2]His disciple Bappa Rawal founded the house of Mewar in Rajasthan, India. Later descendants of Bappa Rawal moved further east to found the house of Gorkha, which in turn founded the Kingdom of Nepal.[2] Gorkha District is one of the 75 districts of modern Nepal. Gurkhas also form the major population group in the Darjeeling region of West Bengal and Sikkim in India.

Gurkhas are best known for their history in the Indian Army's Gorkha regiments, the British Army'sBrigade of Gurkhas and the Nepalese Army. Former Chief of staff of the Indian Army, Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, once famously said[3] about Gurkhas:

"If a man says he is not afraid of dying, he is either lying or is a Gurkha. "

Contents

 [hide]

[edit]History

 This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (June 2011)
Sri Panch (5) Maharaja Dhiraj Prthivi Narayan Shahdev

The legend states that Bappa Rawal was a teenager in hiding, when he came upon the Hindu warrior saintGorakhnath while on a hunting expedition with friends in the jungles of Rajasthan in India. Bappa Rawal chose to stay behind, and care for the warrior saint, who was in deep meditation. When Guru Gorkhanath awoke, he was pleased with the devotion of Bappa Rawal. The Guru gave him the Kukri (Khukuri) knife, the famous curved blade of the present day Gurkhas.[4] The legend continues that he told Bappa that he and his people would henceforth be called Gurkhas, the disciples of the Guru Gorkhanath, and their bravery would become world famous. He then instructed Bappa Rawal, and his Gurkhas to stop the advance of the Muslims, who were invading Afghanistan (which at that time was a Hindu/Buddhist nation). Bappa Rawal took his Gurkhas and liberated Afghanistan — originally named Gandhara, from which the present day Kandahar derives its name. He and his Gurkhas stopped the initial Islamic advance of the 8th century in the Indian subcontinent.[2]

There are legends that Bappa Rawal (Kalbhoj) went further conquering Iran and Iraq before he retired as anascetic at the feet of Mt. Meru, having conquered all invaders and enemies of his faith.

In the Gurkha War (1814–1816) they waged war against the British East India Company army. The British were impressed by the Gurkha soldiers and after reaching a stalemate with the Gurkhas, made Nepal aprotectorate.[5] Much later, they were granted the right to freely hire them as mercenaries from the interior of Nepal (as opposed to the early British Gurkha mercenaries who were hired from areas such as Assam (i.e., the Sirmoor Rifles) and were then organised in Gurkha regiments in the East India Company army with the permission of then prime minister, Shree Teen (3) Maharaja (Maharana) Jung Bahadur Rana, the first Rana Prime-minister who initiated a Rana oligarchic rule in Nepal. Jung Bahadur was the grandson of the famous Nepalese hero and Prime minister Bhimsen Thapa. OriginallyJung Bahadur and his brother Ranodip Singh brought a lot of modernisation to Nepalese society, the abolition of slavery, undermining of taboos regarding the untouchable class, public access to education, etc. But these dreams were short lived when in the coup d'état of 1885 the nephews of Jung Bahadur and Ranodip Singh (the Shumshers J.B., S.J.B. or Satra (17) Family) murdered Ranodip Singh and the sons of Jung Bahadur, stole the name of Jung Bahadur and took control of Nepal.[2][5] This "Shumsher" Rana rule is regarded by some[who?] as one of the reasons for Nepal lagging behind in modern development. The children of Jung Bahadur and Ranodip Singh lived mainly outside of Kathmandu, in Nepal, and in India after escaping the coup d'état of 1885.[5]

Sri Teen (3) Maharaja Jung Bahadur Rana

The "original" Gurkhas are people of Gorkha i.e. Gurung and Magar (Hill tribes and original Habitants). Almost 200 years ago troops in support of the British East India Company invaded Nepal. They suffered heavy casualties at the hands of the Gurkhas and signed a hasty peace deal and offered to pay the Gurkhas to join their army. A soldier of the 87th Foot wrote in his memoirs: "I never saw more steadiness or bravery exhibited in my life. Run they would not, and of death they seemed to have no fear, though their comrades were falling thick around them".

The Gurkha soldier recruits were mainly drawn from several ethnic groups. When the British began recruiting from the interior of Nepal these soldiers were mainly drawn from Gurung, Magar, Rai and Limbu.

After the British left India, Gorkhalis continued seeking employment in British and Indian forces, as officers and soldiers. Under international law, present-day British Gurkhas are not treated as mercenaries but are fully integrated soldiers of the British Army, operate in formed units of the Brigade of Gurkhas, and abide by the rules and regulations under which all British soldiers serve.

The Gurkha war cry is "Jai Mahakali, Ayo Gorkhali" which literally translates to "Glory be to the Goddess of War, here come the Gorkhas!"

Professor Sir Ralph Turner, MC, who served with the 3rd Queen Alexandra's Own Gurkha Rifles in the First World War, wrote of Gurkhas:

"As I write these last words, my thoughts return to you who were my comrades, the stubborn and indomitable peasants of Nepal. Once more I hear the laughter with which you greeted every hardship. Once more I see you in your bivouacs or about your fires, on forced march or in the trenches, now shivering with wet and cold, now scorched by a pitiless and burning sun. Uncomplaining you endure hunger and thirst and wounds; and at the last your unwavering lines disappear into the smoke and wrath of battle. Bravest of the brave, most generous of the generous, never had country more faithful friends than you. "

[edit]British East India Company Army

Hindu Rao's house shortly after the siege.

Gurkhas served as troops under contract to the East India Company in the Pindaree War of 1817, in Bharatpur in 1826 and the First and Second Anglo-Sikh Wars in 1846 and 1848.

During the Indian Rebellion of 1857, Gurkhas fought on the British side, and became part of theBritish Indian Army on its formation. The 8th (Sirmoor) Local Battalion made a particularly notable contribution during the conflict, and indeed twenty-five Indian Order of Merit awards were made to men from that regiment during the Siege of Delhi.[6] Three days after the mutiny began, the Sirmoor Battalion were ordered to move to Meerut, where the British garrison was barely holding on, and in doing so they had to march up to 48 kilometres a day.[7] Later, during the four month Siege of Delhi they defended Hindu Rao's house, losing 327 out of 490 men. During this action they fought side by side with the 60th Rifles and a strong bond developed.[8][9] Twelve regiments from the Nepalese Army also took part in the relief of Lucknow[10] under the command of Shri Teen (3) Maharaja Maharana Jung Bahadur of Nepal and his older brother C-in-C Ranaudip Singh(Ranodip or Ranodeep) Bahadur Rana (later to succeed Jung Bahadur and become Sri Teen Maharaja Ranodip Singh of Nepal).

After the rebellion the 60th Rifles pressed for the Sirmoor Battalion to become a rifle regiment. This honour was granted then next year (1858) when the Battalion was renamed the Sirmoor Rifle Regiment and awarded a third colour.[11] In 1863 Queen Victoria presented the regiment with the Queen's Truncheon, as a replacement for the colours that rifle regiments do not usually have.[12]

[edit]British Indian Army (c. 1857–1947)

Gurkha Soldiers (1896). The centre figure wears the dark green dress uniform worn by all Gurkhas in British service, with certain regimental distinctions

From the end of the Indian Rebellion of 1857 until the start of the World War I the Gurkha Regiments saw active service in Burma, Afghanistan, the North-East Frontier and the North-West Frontiers of India, Malta (the Russo-Turkish War, 1877–78), Cyprus, Malaya, China (the Boxer Rebellion of 1900) and Tibet (Younghusband's Expedition of 1905).

Between 1901 and 1906, the Gurkha regiments were renumbered from the 1st to the 10th and redesignated as the Gurkha Rifles. In this time, the Brigade of Gurkhas, as the regiments came to be collectively known, was expanded to twenty battalions within the ten regiments.[13]

During World War I (1914–18), more than 200,000 Gurkhas served in the British Army, suffering approximately 20,000 casualties, and receiving almost 2,000 gallantry awards.[14] The number of Gurkha battalions was increased to thirty-three, and Gurkha units were placed at the disposal of the British high command by the Nepalese government for service on all fronts. Many Nepalese volunteers served in noncombat roles, serving in units such as the Army Bearer Corps and the labour battalions, but there were also large numbers that served in combat in France, Turkey, Palestine, and Mesopotamia.[15] They served on the battlefields of France in the Loos, Givenchy,Neuve Chapelle and Ypres; in Mesopotamia, Persia, Suez Canal and Palestine against Turkish advance, Gallipoli and Salonika.[16] One detachment served with Lawrence of Arabia, while during the Battle of Loos (June–December 1915) a battalion of the 8th Gurkhas fought to the last man, hurling themselves time after time against the weight of the German defences, and in the words of the Indian Corps commander, Lieutenant-General Sir James Willcocks, "... found its Valhalla".[17] During the ultimately unsuccessful Gallipoli campaign in 1915, the Gurkhas were among the first to arrive and the last to leave. The 1st/6th Gurkhas, having landed at Cape Helles, led the assault during the first major operation to take out a Turkish high point, and in doing so captured a feature that later became known as "Gurkha Bluff".[18] At Sari Bair they were the only troops in the whole campaign to reach and hold the crest line and look down on the Straits, which was the ultimate objective.[19] The 2nd Battalion of the 3rd Gurkha Rifles (2nd/3rd Gurkha Rifles) was involved in the conquest of Baghdad.

2nd/5th Royal Gurkha Rifles, North-West Frontier 1923

Following the end of the war, the Gurkhas were returned to India and during the interwar years, they were largely kept away from the internal strife and urban conflicts of the sub-continent, instead being employed largely on the frontiers and in the hills where fiercely independent tribesmen were a constant source of troubles.[20] As such, between the World Wars, the Gurkha regiments fought in the Third Afghan War in 1919 and then participated in numerous campaigns on the North-West Frontier, mainly in Waziristan, where they were employed as garrison troops defending the frontier, keeping the peace amongst the local populace and keeping the lawless and often openly hostile Pathan tribesmen in check. During this time the North-West Frontier was the scene of considerable political and civil unrest and the troops stationed at Razmak, Bannu and Wanna saw an extensive amount of action.[21]

During World War II (1939–45), there were ten Gurkha regiments, with two battalions each making a total of twenty pre-war battalions.[22] Following the evacuation of the BEF from Dunkirk in 1940, the Nepalese government offered to increase recruitment to increase the total number of Gurkha battalions in British service to thirty-five.[23]This would eventually rise to forty-five battalions and in order to achieve this, third and fourth battalions were raised for all ten regiments, with fifth battalions also being raised for 1 GR, 2 GR and 9 GR.[22] This expansion required ten training centres to be established for basic training and regimental records across India. In addition five training battalions[24] were raised, while other units[25] were raised as garrison battalions for keeping the peace in India and defending rear areas.[26] Large numbers of Gurkha men were also recruited for non-Gurkha units, and other specialised functions such as paratroops, signals, engineers, and military police.

The 2/5th Royal Gurkha Rifles marching through Kure soon after their arrival in Japan in May 1946 as part of the Allied forces of occupation.

A total of 250,280[26] Gurkhas served during the war, in almost all theatres. In addition to keeping peace in India, Gurkhas fought in Syria, North Africa, Italy, Greece and against the Japanese in the jungles of Burma, northeast India and also Singapore.[27] They did so with considerable distinction, earning 2,734 bravery awards in the process[26] and suffering around 32,000 casualties in all theatres.[28]

[edit]Gurkha military rank system in the British Indian Army

Gurkha ranks in the British Indian Army followed the same pattern as those used throughout the rest of the Indian Army at that time.[29] As in the British Army itself, there were three distinct levels: private soldiers, non-commissioned officers and commissioned officers. Commissioned officers within the Gurkha regiments held a Viceroy's Commission, which was distinct from the King's or Queen's Commission that British officers serving with a Gurkha regiment held. Any Gurkha holding a commission was technically subordinate to any British officer, regardless of rank.[30]

[edit]British Indian Army and current Indian Army ranks/current British Army equivalents

Viceroy Commissioned Officers (VCOs) up to 1947 and Junior Commissioned Officers (JCOs) from 1947
Warrant officers
Non-commissioned officers
Private soldiers

(Source: Cross & Gurung 2002, pp. 33–34).

Notes
  • British Army officers received Queen's or King's Commissions, but Gurkha officers in this system received the Viceroy's Commission. After Indian independence in 1947, Gurkha officers in regiments which became part of the British Army received the King's (later Queen's) Gurkha Commission, and were known as King's/Queen's Gurkha Officers (KGO/QGO). Gurkha officers had no authority to command troops of British regiments. The QGO Commission was abolished in 2007.
  • Jemadars and subedars normally served as platoon commanders and company 2ICs, but were junior to all British officers, while the subedar major was the Commanding Officer's 'advisor' on the men and their welfare. For a long time it was impossible for Gurkhas to progress further, except that an honorary lieutenancy or captaincy was very rarely bestowed upon a Gurkha on retirement.[30]
  • The equivalent ranks in the post-1947 Indian Army were (and are) known as Junior Commissioned Officers (JCOs). They retained the traditional rank titles used in the British Indian Army — Jemadar (later Naib Subedar), Subedar and Subedar Major.
  • While in principle any British subject may apply for a commission without having served in the ranks, Gurkhas cannot. It was customary for a Gurkha soldier to rise through the ranks and prove his ability before his regiment would consider offering him a commission.[30]
  • From the 1920s Gurkhas could also receive King's Indian Commissions, and later full King's or Queen's Commissions, which put them on a par with British officers. This was rare until after the Second World War.
  • Gurkha officers commissioned from the Royal Military Academy – Sandhurst – and Short Service Officers regularly fill appointments up to the rank of major. At least two Gurkhas have been promoted to lieutenant colonel and there is theoretically now no bar to further progression.[30]
  • After 1948 the Brigade of Gurkhas (part of the British Army) was formed and adopted standard British Army rank structure and nomenclature, except for the three Viceroy Commission ranks between Warrant Officer 1 and Second Lieutenant—jemadar, subedar and subedar major—which remained, albeit with different rank titles Lieutenant (Queens Gurkha Officer), Captain (QGO) and Major (QGO). The QGO commission was abolished in 2007, Gurkha soldiers are currently commissioned as Late Entry Officers (as above).[30]

[edit]Regiments of the Gurkha Rifles (c.1815–1947)

Memorial of 10th Princess Mary's Own Gurkha Rifles,Winchester Cathedral, Hampshire

[edit]Second World War training battalions

  • 14th Gurkha Rifles Training Battalion[31]
  • 38th Gurkha Rifles Training Battalion[31]
  • 56th Gurkha Rifles Training Battalion[31]
  • 710th Gurkha Rifles Training Battalion[31]

[edit]Post-independence (1947–present)

THE GURKHA
SOLDIER
Bravest of the brave,
most generous of the generous,
never had country
more faithful friends
than you.
Professor Sir Ralph Turner MC[32]

After Indian independence—and partition—in 1947 and under the Tripartite Agreement, the original ten Gurkha regiments consisting of the twenty pre-war battalions were split between the British Army and the newly independent Indian Army.[26] Six Gurkha regiments (twelve battalions) were transferred to the post-independence Indian Army, while four regiments (eight battalions) were transferred to the British Army.[33]

To the disappointment of their British officers the majority of Gurkhas given a choice between British or Indian Army service opted for the latter. The reason appears to have been the pragmatic one that the Gurkha regiments of the Indian Army would continue to serve in their existing roles in familiar territory and under terms and conditions that were well established.[34] The only substantial change was the substitution of Indian officers for British. By contrast the four regiments selected for British service faced an uncertain future in (initially) Malaya—a region where relatively few Gurkhas had previously served. The four regiments (or eight battalions) in British service have since been reduced to a single (two battalion) regiment while the Indian units have been expanded beyond their pre-Independence establishment of twelve battalions.[35]

The principal aim of the Tripartite Agreement was to ensure that Gurkhas serving under the Crown would be paid on the same scale as those serving in the new Indian Army.[36] This was significantly lower than the standard British rates of pay. While the difference is made up through cost of living and location allowances during a Gurkha's actual period of service, the pension payable on his return to Nepal is much lower than would be the case for his British counterparts.[37]

With the abolition of the Nepalese monarchy, the future recruitment of Gurkhas for British and Indian service has been put into doubt. A spokesperson for the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which is expected to play a major role in the new secular republic, has stated that recruitment as mercenaries is degrading to the Nepalese people and will be banned.[38]

[edit]British Army Gurkhas

Main article Brigade of Gurkhas for details of British Gurkhas since 1948

Four Gurkha regiments joined the British Army on January 1, 1948:

They formed the Brigade of Gurkhas and were initially stationed in Malaya. There were also a number of additional Gurkha regiments including the 69th Gurkha Field Squadron and the 70th Gurkha Field Support Squadron, both of which were included in the 36th Engineer Regiment. Since then, British Gurkhas have served in Borneo during the Confrontation with Indonesia, in the Falklands conflict, and on various peacekeeping missions in Sierra Leone, East Timor, Bosnia and Kosovo.[39] They are currently serving in Afghanistan.

As of November 2006, the "Brigade of Gurkhas" in the British Army has the following units:

250 Gurkha Signal Squadron
246 Gurkha Signal Squadron
248 Gurkha Signal Squadron
69th Gurkha Field Squadron
70th Gurkha Field Squadron

In addition to these Regiments, the Brigade of Gurkhas has its own clerks and chefs who are posted among the above mentioned units.

Gurkhas in Hong Kong:

  • 26th Gurkha Brigade (1948–1950)
  • 51st Infantry Brigade (disbanded 1976)
  • 48th Gurkha Infantry Brigade (1957–1976; renamed Gurkha Field Force 1976–97; returned to old title 1987–ca.1992)

[edit]Indian Army Gorkhas

The 1st Battalion of 1 Gurkha Rifles of the Indian Army take position outside a simulated combat town during a training exercise.
Main article: Gorkha regiments (India)

Upon independence in 1947, six of the original ten Gurkha regiments remained with the Indian Army.[33]These regiments were:

Additionally, a further regiment, 11 Gorkha Rifles, was raised. In 1949 the spelling was changed from "Gurkha" to "Gorkha".[40] All royal titles were dropped when India became a republic in 1950.[40]

Since partition, the Gurkha regiments that were transferred to the Indian Army have established themselves as a permanent and vital part of the newly independent Indian Army. Indeed, while Britain has reduced its Gurkha contingent, India has continued to recruit Gurkhas in large numbers.[35] Indeed, in 2009 the Indian Army had a Gurkha contingent that numbered around 42,000 men in forty-six battalions, spread across seven regiments.

Although their deployment is still governed by the 1947 Tripartite Agreement, in the post-1947 conflicts India has fought in, Gurkhas have served in almost all of them, including the wars with Pakistan in 1947, 1965 and 1971 and also against China in 1962.[41] They have also been used in peacekeeping operations around the world.[40] They have also served in Sri Lanka conducting operations against the Tamil Tigers.[42]

[edit]Nepalese Army Gurkhas

Two light infantry battalions of the Nepalese Army are also manned by Gurkhas;

  • Shree Purano Gorakh Battalion—established 1763
  • Shree Naya Gorakh Battalion—established 1783

These are the oldest Gurkha units in existence, and were utilised as palace guards by the King of Nepal, with one battalion always permanently deployed.[43] The Shree Purano Gorakh Battalion was the first major Nepalese contingent deployed on UN Peacekeepingoperations, when it was deployed to the Sinai Peninsula in 1974.[44]

[edit]Singapore Gurkha Contingent

Two Singapore Police Force'sGurkha Contingent troopers guarding a car park entrance toRaffles City where the 117th IOC Session was held in Singapore in July 2005. Dressed in their combat uniform, but with elements borrowed from the no. 3 dress, armed with a Remington 870 while the other handles a Heckler & Koch MP5.

The Gurkha Contingent (GC) of the Singapore Police Force was formed on 9 April 1949 from selected ex-British Army Gurkhas. It is an integral part of the Police Force and was raised to replace a Sikh unit which had existed prior to the Japanese occupation during the Second World War.[45]

The GC is a well trained, dedicated and disciplined body whose principal role is as a specialist guard force. In times of crisis it can be deployed as a reaction force. During the turbulent years before and after independence, the GC acquitted itself well on a number of times during outbreaks of civil disorder. The Gurkhas displayed the courage, self restraint and professionalism for which they are famous and earned the respect of the society at large.[45]

Recently the GC can be seen patrolling the streets and have replaced local policemen to guard key installations. The most recent deployment of the GC was to provide additional security for the Singapore Airshow, Asia's largest airshow, and the hunt for the escaped terrorist, Mas Selamat.

[edit]Brunei Gurkha Reserve Unit

The Gurkha Reserve Unit is a special guard force in the Sultanate of Brunei. The 2,000 strong Gurkha unit is made up of British Army veterans.

[edit]Other

[edit]Ethnic identity

Ethnically, Gurkhas who are presently serving in the British armed forces are primarily Indo-Tibeto-Mongolians. They are originally from Nepal. Gurkhas serving in the Indian Armed Forces are of both groups, Indo-Tibeto-Mongolian and ethnic Rajput. Gurkhas of Tibeto-Mongolian origin mostly belong to the Rai,Limbu, Gurung, Magar, Tamang, and Kiranti origin. Gurkhas of Aryan origin mostly belong to the Chhetri and some brahmin origin. Gurkhas are mainly Hindu. The Gurkhas made Hinduism the state religion of Nepal. Very few but some of them are adherents of Tibetan Buddhismand Shamanism, under Hindu influence.[46]

All Gurkhas, regardless of ethnic origin, speak Nepali, also known as Khas Kura or Khas Bhasa, an Indo-Aryan language. They are also famous for their large knife called the kukri (khukuri), which is featured in an X shaped configuration on their emblem.

In the mid-1980s some Nepali speaking groups in West Bengal began to organize under the Gorkhaland National Liberation Front, calling for their own Gurkha state, Gorkhaland.

In the introduction to the book Gorkhas Imagined (2009) Prem Poddar makes an important point about the Gorkhas in Nepal versus the Gorkhas in India: "the word 'Gorkha' (or the neologism 'Gorkhaness') as a self-descriptive term ... has gained currency as a marker of difference for Nepalis living in India as opposed to their brethren and sistren in Nepal. Gorkhaliness then becomes synonymous with Indian Nepaleseness but invests only degrees of differential commonalities with Nepali Nepaliness and diasporic Nepaliness. While this counters the irredentism of a Greater Nepal thesis, it cannot completely exorcise the spectres or temptations of an ethnic absolutism for diasporic subjects."[47]

[edit]Victoria Cross recipients

Main article: List of Gurkha Recipients of the Victoria Cross

There have been twenty-six Victoria Crosses awarded to members of the Gurkha regiments.[48] The first was awarded in 1858 and the last in 1965.[49] Thirteen of the recipients have been British officers serving with Gurkha regiments, although since 1915 the majority have been received by Gurkhas serving in the ranks as private soldiers or as NCOs.[14] In addition, since Indian independence in 1947, Gurkhas serving in the Indian Army have also been awarded three Param Vir Chakras, which are roughly equivalent.[50]

Of note also, there have been two George Cross medals awarded to Gurkha soldiers, for acts of bravery in situations that have not involved combat.[14]

[edit]Treatment of Gurkhas in the United Kingdom

The treatment of Gurkhas and their families was the subject of controversy in the United Kingdom once it became widely known that Gurkhas received smaller pensions than their British counterparts.[51] The nationality status of Gurkhas and their families was also an area of dispute, with claims that some ex-army Nepali families were being denied residency and forced to leave Britain. On 8 March 2007, the British Government announced that all Gurkhas who signed up after 1 July 1997 would receive a pension equivalent to that of their British counterparts. In addition, Gurkhas would, for the first time, be able to transfer to another army unit after five years' service and women would also be allowed to join—although not in first-line units—conforming to the British Army's policy. The act also guaranteed residency rights in Britain for retired Gurkhas and their families.

Despite the changes, many Gurkhas who had not served long enough to entitle them to a pension faced hardship on their return to Nepal, and some critics derided the Government's decision to only award the new pension and citizenship entitlement to those joining after 1 July 1997, claiming that this left many ex-Gurkha servicemen still facing a financially uncertain retirement. A pressure group, Gurkha Justice Campaign,[52] and the British National Party joined the debate in support of the Gurkhas.[53][dead link]

Nick Clegg being presented a Gurkha Hat, by a Gurkha veteran during his Maidstonevisit, to celebrate the success of their joint campaign for the right to live in Britain, 2009.

In a landmark ruling on 30 September 2008 the High Court in London decided that Gurkhas who left the Army before 1997 did have an automatic right of residency in the United Kingdom.[citation needed]In line with the ruling of the High Court the Home Office is to review all cases affected by this decision.

On the 29 April 2009 a motion in the House of Commons by the Liberal Democrats that all Gurkhas be offered an equal right of residence resulted in a defeat for the Government by 267 votes to 246, the first, first day motion defeat for a government since 1978. Nick Clegg, the Liberal Democrat leader, stated that "This is an immense victory [...] for the rights of Gurkhas who have been waiting so long for justice, a victory for Parliament, a victory for decency." He added that it was "the kind of thing people want this country to do".[54]

On 21 May 2009, the Home Secretary Jacqui Smith announced that all Gurkha veterans who retired before 1997 with at least four years service would be allowed to settle in the UK. The actress and daughter of Gurkha corps major James Lumley, Joanna Lumley, who had highlighted the treatment of the Gurkhas and campaigned for their rights, commented: "This is the welcome we have always longed to give".[55]

A charity, the Gurkha Welfare Trust, provides aid to alleviate hardship and distress among Gurkha ex-servicemen.[56]

[edit]Hong Kong

See also: Nepalis in Hong Kong

A considerable number of ex-Gurkhas and their families live in Hong Kong, where they are particularly well represented in the private security profession (G4S Gurkha Services, Pacific Crown Security Service, Sunkoshi Gurkha Security) and among labourers. Ex-Gurkhas left barracks and moved into surrounding urban area. There are considerable Nepalese communities in Yuen Long and Kwun Chung.

[edit]British citizenship

A recent High Court decision on a test case in London has acknowledged the 'debt of honour' to Gurkhas discharged before 1997, and that immigration cases be reviewed, which could set a precedent for citizenship privileges.[57]

[edit]Malaysian Armed Forces and citizenship

After the Federation of Malaya became independent from the United Kingdom in August 1957, many Gurkhas became soldiers in theMalayan armed forces, especially in the Royal Ranger Regiment. Others became security guards, mainly in Kuala Lumpur.

[edit]United States Navy

The United States Navy employs Gurkha guards as sentries at its base in Naval Support Activity Bahrain and on the US Navy side of the pier at Mina Salaman. The Gurkhas work alongside Army, Air Force, and Navy members in day-to-day operations.

[edit]See also

[edit]Notes

  1. ^ "Gurkhas form the major population group in Darjeeling district ofWest Bengal and Sikkim." Debnath, Monojit; Tapas K. Chaudhuri *Study of Genetic Relationships of Indian Gurkha Population on the basis of HLA — A and B Loci Antigens" International Journal of Human Genetics, 6(2): 159–162 (2006)
  2. ^ a b c d Chauhan 1996, pp. 28–30.
  3. ^ "Who Are Gurkhas?". gwt.org.uk. Gurkha Welfare Trust. Retrieved 2011-06-23.
  4. ^ Tod & Crooke 1920.
  5. ^ a b c Purushottam Sham Shere J B Rana 1998.
  6. ^ Parker 2005, p. 58.
  7. ^ Parker 2005, p. 57.
  8. ^ "History of the Brigade of Gurkhas". website of the Brigade of Gurkhas. Retrieved 14 October 2010.
  9. ^ Streets, Heather (2004). Martial races: the military, race and masculinity in British imperial culture, 1857–1914. Manchester University Press. p. 79. ISBN 0719069629.
  10. ^ Parker 2005, pp. 62–63.
  11. ^ Chappell 1993, p. 13.
  12. ^ Baker, Margaret (2008). Discovering London Statues and Monuments. Volume 42 of Shire Discovering (5, illustrated ed.). Osprey Publishing. pp. 18. ISBN 0747804958.
  13. ^ Parker 2005, p. 79.
  14. ^ a b c Parker 2005, p. xvii.
  15. ^ Chappell 1993, p. 9.
  16. ^ Parker 2005, p. 99.
  17. ^ Sengupta 2007.
  18. ^ Parker 2005, pp. 117–118.
  19. ^ Parker 2005, p. 121.
  20. ^ Parker 2005, p. 150.
  21. ^ For more detail see Barthorp 2002[page needed].
  22. ^ a b Cross & Gurung 2002, p. 31.
  23. ^ Parker 2005, pp. 157–158.
  24. ^ 14 GR, 29 GR, 38 GR, 56 GR and 710 GR.
  25. ^ 25 GR and 26 GR.
  26. ^ a b c d Cross & Gurung 2002, p. 32.
  27. ^ "Participants from the Indian subcontinent in the Second World War". Retrieved 2007-02-27.
  28. ^ See Parker 2005, p. xvii. Gurkha casualties for the Second World War can be broken down as: 8,985 killed or missing and 23,655 wounded.
  29. ^ Cross & Gurung 2002, p. 33.
  30. ^ a b c d e Cross & Gurung 2002, p. 34.
  31. ^ a b c d "115 Infantry Brigade Subordanates". Order of Battle. Retrieved 2009-10-19.
  32. ^ The inscription on a monument to Gurkha soldiers which was unveiled in 1997 in Whitehall, London (Staff.The Gurkhas — Britain's oldest allies BBC, 4 December 1997).
  33. ^ a b Parker 2005, p. 224.
  34. ^ Parker 2005, p. 226.
  35. ^ a b Parker 2005, p. 229.
  36. ^ Parker 2005, pp. 322–323.
  37. ^ Parker 2005, p. 323.
  38. ^ Parker 2005, p. 344.
  39. ^ Parker 2005, p. 360.
  40. ^ a b c Chappell 1993, p. 12.
  41. ^ Parker 2005, p. 230.
  42. ^ Parker 2005, p. 203.
  43. ^ Ayo Gorkhali! – History Lessons, 09/06/09
  44. ^ Nepalese Army in UN PKOS – Nepalese Army
  45. ^ a b Parker 2005, p. 390.
  46. ^ Ember & Ember 2003.
  47. ^ Gorkhas Imagined: I.B. Rai in Translation, Mukti Prakashan, 2009
  48. ^ Parker 2005, pp. 391–393.
  49. ^ For a detailed list of the recipients and their deeds, see the British Ministry of Defence website:http://www.army.mod.uk/gurkhas/7561.aspx
  50. ^ "Param Vir Chakra". Pride of India.net. Retrieved 2009-05-29.
  51. ^ Parker 2005, p. 334.
  52. ^ Lumley, Joanna. "Gurkha Justice Campaign". Gurkha Justice Campaign. Retrieved 2011-01-31.
  53. ^ Real Racism in action BNP website.
  54. ^ "Brown defeated over Gurkha rules". UK Politics (BBC News). 2009-04-29. Retrieved 2011-01-31. "Gordon Brown's government has suffered a shock defeat in the Commons on its policy of restricting the right of many former Gurkhas to settle in the UK. MPs voted by 267 to 246 for a Lib Dem motion offering all Gurkhas equal right of residence, with the Tories and 27 Labour rebels backing it."
  55. ^ "Gurkhas win right to settle in UK". UK News (BBC News). 2009-05-21. Retrieved 2011-01-31. "All Gurkha veterans who retired before 1997 with at least four years' service will be allowed to settle in the UK, Home Secretary Jacqui Smith has said. Ms Smith told MPs she was "proud to offer this country's welcome to all who have served in the brigade of Gurkhas". It comes after a high-profile campaign by Joanna Lumley and other supporters of Gurkha rights — and an embarrassing Commons defeat for the government."
  56. ^ Parker 2005, pp. 379–383.
  57. ^ See http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7644441.stm.

[edit]References

  • Barthorp, Michael (2002). Afghan Wars and the North-West Frontier 1839–1947. Cassell. ISBN 0-304-36294-8.
  • Chappell, Mike (1993). The Gurkhas. 49 of Elite series (illustrated ed.). Oxford: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-855-32357-5.
  • Chauhan, Dr. Sumerendra Vir Singh. (1996). The Way of Sacrifice: The Rajputs, Pages 28–30, Graduate Thesis, South Asian Studies Department, Dr. Joseph T. O'Connell, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario Canada.
  • Cross, J.P & Buddhiman Gurung. (2002) Gurkhas at War: Eyewitness Accounts from World War II to Iraq. Greenhill Books. ISBN 978-1-85367-727-4.
  • Ember, Carol & Ember, Melvin. (2003). Encyclopedia of Sex and Gender: Men and Women in the World's Cultures. Springer. ISBN 030647770X.
  • Parker, John (2005). The Gurkhas: The Inside Story of the World's Most Feared Soldiers. Headline Book Publishing. ISBN 978-0-755-31415-7.
  • Poddar, Prem and Anmole Prasad. (2009). Gorkhas Imagined: I.B. Rai in Transaltion. Mukti Prakashan. ISBN 978-81-909354-0-1
  • Purushottam Sham Shere J B Rana. (1998). Jung Bahadur Rana-The Story of His Rise and Glory. ISBN 81-7303-087-1
  • Sengupta, Kim. (2007). 'The Battle for Parity: Victory for the Gurkhas', The Independent, 9 March 2007. Retrieved from:http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/the-battle-for-parity-victory-for-the-gurkhas-439464.html
  • Tod, James & Crooke, William. (eds.) (1920). Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan. 3 Volumes. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi. Reprinted 1994.

[edit]Further reading

  • Austin, Ian and Thakur Nahar Singh Jasol. (eds.) The Mewar Encyclopedia.
  • Austin, Ian. (1999). Mewar—The World's Longest Serving Dynasty. Roli Books, Delhi/The House of Mewar.
  • Davenport, Hugh. (1975). The Trials and Triumphs of the Mewar Kingdom. Maharana Mewar Charitable Foundation, Udaipur.
  • Farwell, Byron. (1985).The Gurkhas. W.W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-393-30714-X
  • Goswami, C.G. and M.N. Mathur. Mewar and Udaipur. Himnashu Publications, Udaipur-New Delhi.
  • Griffiths, Neil. Gurkha Walking books: 'Hebridean Gurkha; 'Gurkha Highlander'; 'Gurkha Reiver'. Neil takes a Scottish cross-country walk with Gurkhas every year to raise funds for the Gurkha Welfare Trust.
  • Latimer, Jon. (2004). Burma: The Forgotten War, London: John Murray. ISBN 9780719565762.
  • Pemble, John (2009). "Forgetting and Remembering Britain's Gurkha War". Asian Affairs 40 (3): 361–376.doi:10.1080/03068370903195154. edit Contains a historiographical analysis of the Gurkha "legend."
  • Tucci, Sandro. (1985). Gurkhas. Published by H.Hamilton. ISBN 0-241-11690-2.
  • British Broadcasting Commission Staff (2 June 2007). "Gurkha tells of citizenship joy". BBC News. Retrieved 2009-05-31.
  • Seear, Mike. (2002). With The Gurkhas in the Falklands. ISBN 978-0-9556237-0-7

[edit]External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Gurkha
Wikisource has the text of the1911 Encyclopædia Britannicaarticle Gurkha.

Darjeeling

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For other uses, see Darjeeling (disambiguation).
Darjeeling
—  town  —
A panoramic view of a hill range. The upper portions of the nearer hillsides have tiled houses, while the farther hillsides and the lower portions of the nearer ones are covered with green bushes. A few coniferous trees are scattered throughout.
A view of Darjeeling from the Happy Valley Tea Estate.
Darjeeling is located at the northern tip of West Bengal, near its boundary with Sikkim.
West Bengal is located at the northern tip of the east coast of India, bounded by Bangladesh on the east and Indian states of Sikkim, Orissa and Jharkhand on the north, south and west respectively. The state tapers off towards its northern end.
Darjeeling
Location of Darjeeling
in West Bengal and India
Coordinates 27°02′N 88°10′ECoordinates: 27°02′N 88°10′E
CountryIndia
State West Bengal
District(s) Darjeeling
Parliamentary constituency Darjeeling
Assembly constituency Darjeeling
Population

• Density

107,530 (2001)

• 8,548 /km2 (22,139 /sq mi)

Time zone IST (UTC+5:30)
Area

• Elevation

10.57 square kilometres (4.08 sq mi)

• 2,050 metres (6,730 ft)[1]

Darjeeling (Nepali: About this sound दार्जीलिंग (help·info), Bengali: দার্জিলিং) is a Himalayan town in the Indianstate of West Bengal. It is internationally renowned as a tourist destination, along with for itstea industry and the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway, a UNESCO World Heritage Site. It is the headquarters of Darjeeling district. The town is located in the Mahabharat Range or Lesser Himalaya at an average elevation of 6,710 ft (2,050 m).

The development of the town dates back to the mid-19th century, when the British set up asanatorium and a military depot. Subsequently, extensive tea plantation was done in the region, and tea growers developed distinctive hybrids of black tea and created new fermenting techniques. The resultant distinctive Darjeeling tea is internationally recognised and ranks among the most popular of the black teas.[2] The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway connects the town with the plains and has one of the few steam locomotives still in service in India. Darjeeling also has several British-style public schools, which attract students from throughout India and neighbouring countries. The town, with its neighbouring town ofKalimpong, was a center for the demand of the Gorkhaland movement in the 1980s. The present movement for a separate state of Gorkhaland is also centered in Darjeeling town. In recent years, the town's fragile ecology has been threatened by a rising demand for environmental resources, stemming from growing tourist traffic and poorly plannedurbanisation.

Contents

 [hide]

[edit]History

Main article: History of Darjeeling

The history of Darjeeling is intertwined with that of Bengal, Sikkim and Nepal. Until the early 19th century, the hilly area around Darjeeling was historically controlled by the kingdom of Sikkim, while the plains around Siliguri were intermittently occupied by the kingdom of Nepal,[3] with settlement consisting of a few Villages of Lepcha & Kirati people.[4] It is also known that Nepal once expanded its kingdom till Teesta River. In 1828, a delegation of British East India Company officials on its way to Nepal-Sikkim border stayed in Darjeeling and decided that the region was a suitable site for a sanatorium for British soldiers.[5][6] The company negotiated a lease of the area west of the Mahananda River from the Chogyal of Sikkim in 1835.[7] In 1849, the British East India Company (BEIC) director Arthur Campbell and the explorer and botanist Joseph Dalton Hooker were imprisoned in the region by the Sikkim Chogyal. The East India Company sent a force to free them. Continued friction between the BEIC and the Sikkim authorities resulted in the annexation of 640 square miles (1,700 km2) of territory in 1850. In 1864, the Bhutanese rulers and the British signed the Treaty of Sinchulathat ceded the passes leading through the hills and Kalimpong to the British.[8] The continuing discord between Sikkim and the British resulted in a war, culminating in the signing of a treaty and the annexation by the British of the area east of the Teesta River in 1865.[9] By 1866, Darjeeling district had assumed its current shape and size, covering an area of 1,234 square miles (3,200 km2).[8]

During the British Raj, Darjeeling's temperate climate led to its development as a hill station for British residents seeking to escape the summer heat of the plains, and its becoming the informal summer capital of the Bengal Presidency in 1840,[10] a practice that was formalised after 1864.[11]

A hillside with houses having tiled roofs.
Darjeeling view, 1880

The development of Darjeeling as a sanatorium and health resort proceeded briskly.[4] Arthur Campbell, a surgeon with the Company, and Lieutenant Robert Napier were responsible for establishing a hill station there. Campbell's efforts to develop the station, attract immigrants to cultivate the slopes and stimulate trade resulted in a hundredfold increase in the population of Darjeeling between 1835 and 1849.[8][12] The first road connecting the town with the plains was constructed between 1839 and 1842.[4][12] In 1848, a military depot was set up for British soldiers, and the town became a municipality in 1850.[12] Commercial cultivation of tea in the district began in 1856, and induced a number of British planters to settle there.[5] Scottish missionariesundertook the construction of schools and welfare centres for the British residents, laying the foundation for Darjeeling's notability as a centre of education. The opening of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway in 1881 further hastened the development of the region.[13] In 1899, Darjeeling was rocked by major landslides that caused severe damage to the town and the native population.[14]

An obelisk on an elevated circular platform, with a few people standing around. Mountain peaks are visible in the background.
Darjeeling War Memorial

Under British rule, the Darjeeling area was initially a Non-Regulation District, a scheme of administration applicable to economically less advanced districts in the British Raj, and acts and regulations of the British Raj did not automatically apply to the district in line with rest of the country. In 1919, the area was declared a "backward tract".[15] During the Indian independence movement, the Non-cooperation Movement spread through the tea estates of Darjeeling.[16] There was also a failed assassination attempt by revolutionaries on Sir John Anderson, the Governor of Bengal in 1934.[17] Subsequently, during the 1940s, Communist activists continued the nationalist movement against the British by mobilising the plantation workers and the peasants of the district.[18]

Bringing in the Darjeeling tea harvest, circa 1890.

Socio-economic problems of the region that had not been addressed during British rule continued to linger and were reflected in a representation made to the Constituent Assembly of India in 1947, which highlighted the issues of regional autonomy and Nepali nationality in Darjeeling and adjacent areas.[18] After the independence of India in 1947, Darjeeling was merged with the state of West Bengal. A separate district of Darjeeling was established consisting of the hill towns of Darjeeling,Kurseong, Kalimpong and some parts of the Terai region. While the hill population included mainly of ethnic Nepalis who had migrated there during British rule, the plains harboured a large ethnic Bengali population who were refugees from the Partition of India.[19] A cautious and non-receptive response by the West Bengal government to most demands of the ethnic Nepali population led to increased calls, in the 1950s and 1960s, for Darjeeling's autonomy and for the recognition of theNepali language; the state government acceded to the latter demand in 1961.[20]

The creation of a new state of Sikkim in 1975, along with the reluctance of the Government of India to recognise Nepali as an official language under the Constitution of India, brought the issue of a separate state of Gorkhaland to the forefront.[21] Agitation for a separate state continued through the 1980s,[22] included violent protests during the 1986–88 period. The agitation ceased only after an agreement between the government and the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF), resulting in the establishment of an elected body in 1988 called the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC), which received autonomy to govern the district. Though Darjeeling is now peaceful, the issue of a separate state still lingers, fueled in part by the lack of comprehensive economic development in the region even after the formation of the DGHC.[23] New protests erupted in 2008–09, but both the Union and State governments rejected Gorkha Janmukti Morcha's demand for a separate state.[24]

[edit]Geography

Snow-capped mountain peaks visible in the distance, with forested hills in the foreground.
Kanchenjunga and Darjeeling seen fromTiger Hill

Darjeeling is the main town of the Sadar subdivision and also the headquarters of the district. It is located at an average elevation of 6,710 ft (2,050 m)[1] in the Darjeeling Himalayan hill region on the Darjeeling-Jalapahar range that originates in the south from Ghum. The range is Y-shaped with the base resting at Katapahar and Jalapahar and two arms diverging north of the Observatory Hill. The north-eastern arm dips suddenly and ends in the Lebong spur, while the north-western arm passes through North Point and ends in the valley near Tukver Tea Estate.[25] The hills are nestled within higher peaks and the snow-clad Himalayan ranges tower over the town in the distance.Nepal's Kanchenjunga, the world's third-highest peak, 8,598 m (28,209 ft) high, is the most prominent mountain visible. In days clear of clouds, Nepal's Mount Everest, 29,035 ft (8,850 m) high, can be seen.[26]

The hills of Darjeeling are part of the Mahabharat Range or Lesser Himalaya. The soil is chiefly composed of sandstone and conglomerate formations, which are the solidified and upheaved detritus of the great range of Himalaya. However, the soil is often poorly consolidated (the permeable sediments of the region do not retain water between rains) and is not considered suitable for agriculture. The area has steep slopes and loose topsoil, leading to frequent landslides during the monsoons. According to the Bureau of Indian Standards, the town falls under seismic zone-IV, (on a scale of I to V, in order of increasing proneness to earthquakes) near the convergent boundary of the Indian and the Eurasian tectonic plates and is subject to frequent earthquakes.[26]

[edit]Flora and fauna

Snow-capped mountain peaks visible in the distance.
Mount Kanchanjangha as viewed from Darjeeling

Darjeeling is a part of the Eastern Himalayan zoo-geographic zone.[27] Flora around Darjeeling comprises sal, oak, semi-evergreen, temperate and alpine forests.[28] Dense evergreen forests of sal and oak lie around the town, where a wide variety of rare orchids are found. The Lloyd's Botanical Garden preserves common and rare species of plants, while the Padmaja Naidu Himalayan Zoological Park specialises in conserving and breeding endangered Himalayan species.[29] The town of Darjeeling and surrounding region face deforestation due to increasing demand for wood fuel and timber, as well as air pollution from increasing vehicular traffic.[30]

Wildlife in the district is protected by the wildlife wing of the West Bengal Forest Department.[27]The fauna found in Darjeeling includes several species of ducks, teals, plovers and gulls that pass Darjeeling while migrating to and from Tibet.[31] Small mammals found in the region include civets,mongooses and badgers.[32] The nearby Jaldapara Wildlife Sanctuary consists of semi-evergreen and sal forests. Animals found here include the one-horned rhinoceros, elephant, tiger, leopard andhog deer, while the main bird species include the Bengal florican and herons.[27] As of 2009, work was in progress for setting up a conservation centre for red pandas in Darjeeling.[33]

[edit]Climate

[hide]Climate data for Darjeeling
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Record high °C (°F) 16
(61)		 17
(63)		 23
(73)		 24
(75)		 25
(77)		 24
(75)		 25
(77)		 25
(77)		 25
(77)		 23
(73)		 19
(66)		 17
(63)		 25
(77)
Average high °C (°F) 8
(46)		 9
(48)		 14
(57)		 17
(63)		 18
(64)		 18
(64)		 19
(66)		 18
(64)		 18
(64)		 16
(61)		 12
(54)		 9
(48)		 14.7
(58.4)
Average low °C (°F) 2
(36)		 2
(36)		 6
(43)		 9
(48)		 12
(54)		 13
(55)		 14
(57)		 14
(57)		 13
(55)		 10
(50)		 6
(43)		 3
(37)		 8.7
(47.6)
Record low °C (°F) -3
(27)		 -2
(28)		 -1
(30)		 1
(34)		 6
(43)		 8
(46)		 9
(48)		 11
(52)		 10
(50)		 4
(39)		 2
(36)		 -1
(30)		 -3
(27)
Precipitation mm (inches) 13
(0.51)		 28
(1.1)		 43
(1.69)		 104
(4.09)		 216
(8.5)		 589
(23.19)		 798
(31.42)		 638
(25.12)		 447
(17.6)		 130
(5.12)		 23
(0.91)		 8
(0.31)		 3,037
(119.57)
Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/weather/world/city_guides/results.shtml?tt=TT004930
A few people walking on a wet street holding umbrellas. There are shops on either side of the street.
A Darjeeling street during heavy rain

Darjeeling's temperate climate (Koppen Cwb) has five distinct seasons: spring, summer, autumn, winter, and the monsoons. The annual mean maximum temperature is 14.9 °C (58.8 °F) while the mean minimum temperature is 8.9 °C (48.0 °F),[1] with monthly mean temperatures range from 5–17 °C (41–63 °F).[34] The lowest temperature recorded was −5 °C (23 °F) on 11 February 1905.[1]The average annual precipitation is 309.2 cm (121.7 in), with an average of 126 days of rain in a year.[1] The highest rainfall occurs in July.[34] The heavy and concentrated rainfall that is experienced in the region, aggravated by deforestation and haphazard planning, often causes devastating landslides, leading to loss of life and property.[35] In recent years, global warming has had adverse effects on Darjeeling's climate, resulting in periods of drought followed by floods, and an increasing incidence of pest attacks on tea plantations.[36]

[edit]Civic administration

A rectangular flag with a green background, three horizontal yellow stripes across the bottom, three yellow stars forming a triangle on the top left, and a yellow sword on the top right.
Flag of the Gorkha National Liberation Front

The Darjeeling urban agglomeration consists of Darjeeling Municipality and the Pattabong Tea Garden.[37] Established in 1850, the Darjeeling municipality maintains the civic administration of the town, covering an area of 10.57 km2 (4.08 sq mi).[37] The municipality consists of a board of councillors elected from each of the 32 wards of Darjeeling town as well as a few members nominated by the state government. The board of councillors elects a chairman from among its elected members;[25] the chairman is the executive head of the municipality. The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJMM) holds power in the municipality as of 2010.

The Gorkha-dominated hill areas of the whole Darjeeling district is under the jurisdiction of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council since its formation in 1988. The DGHC's elected councillors are authorised to manage certain affairs of the hills, including education, health and tourism. Law and order in Darjeeling town comes under the jurisdiction of the district police force, which is a part of the West Bengal Police; a Deputy Superintendent of Police oversees the town's security and law affairs. Darjeeling municipality area has two police stations at Darjeeling and Jorebungalow.[38] Since 2005, there has been no elections to the DGHC and from March 2008 the West Bengal government directly runs the DGHC through an administrative officer.[39]

[edit]Utilities

Natural springs in the Senchal Range provide most of Darjeeling's water supply. Water collected is routed through stone conduits to two lakes that were constructed in 1910 and 1932, from where it is piped to the town after purification at the Jorebungalow filtration plant.[40]During the dry season, when water supplied by springs is insufficient, water is pumped from Khong Khola, a nearby small perennial stream. There is a steadily widening gap between water supply and demand; just over 50% of the town's households are connected to the municipal water supply system.[25] Various efforts made to augment the water supply, including the construction of a third storage reservoir in 1984, have failed to yield desired results.[40]

The town has an underground sewage system, covering about 40% of the town area, that collects domestic waste and conveys it to septic tanks for disposal.[41] Solid waste is disposed of in a nearby dumping ground, which also houses the town's crematorium.[41] Doorstep collection of garbage and segregation of biodegradable and non-biodegradable waste have been implemented since 2003.[42]Vermicomposting of vegetable waste is carried out with the help of non-governmental organisations.[43] In June 2009, in order to reduce waste, the municipality proposed the ban of plastic carry bags and sachets in the town.[44]

Electricity is supplied by the West Bengal State Electricity Board, and the West Bengal Fire Service provides emergency services for the town. The town often suffers from power outages and the electrical supply voltage is unstable, making voltage stabilisers popular with many households. Almost all of the primary schools are now maintained by Darjeeling Gorkha Autonomous Hill Council. The total length of all types of roads within the municipal area is around 134 km (83 mi).[45]

[edit]Economy

Terraced rows of bushes growing on a hillside.
A tea plantation in Darjeeling

The two most significant contributors to Darjeeling's economy are tourism and the tea industry.Darjeeling tea, due to the unique agro-climatic conditions of Darjeeling, has a distinctive natural flavour, is internationally reputed and recognised as a geographical indicator.[2] Darjeeling produces 7% of India's tea output, approximately 9,000,000 kilograms (20,000,000 lb) every year.[24] The tea industry has faced competition in recent years from tea produced in other parts of India as well as other countries like Nepal.[46] Widespread concerns about labour disputes, worker layoffs and closing of estates have affected investment and production.[47] Several tea estates are being run on a workers' cooperative model, while others are being planned for conversion into tourist resorts.[47] More than 60% of workers in the tea gardens are women.[37] Besides tea, the most widely cultivated crops include maize, millets, paddy, cardamom, potato and ginger.[48]

Darjeeling had become an important tourist destination as early as 1860.[12] It is reported to be the only location in eastern India that witnesses large numbers of foreign tourists.[24] It is also a popular filming destination for Bollywood andBengali cinema. Satyajit Ray shot his film Kanchenjungha (1962) here, and his Feluda series story, Darjeeling Jomjomaat was also set in the town. Bollywood movies Aradhana (1969), and more recently Main Hoon Na (2004) have been filmed here.[49][50] Tourist inflow into Darjeeling has been affected by the political instability in the region, and agitations in the 1980s and 2000s have hit the tourism industry hard.[24][51]

[edit]Transport

Main article: Transport in Darjeeling
A train, hauled by a steam locomotive, running beside a road between two rows of buildings with a few people walking on the road.
The "Toy Train" approaching Darjeeling

Darjeeling can be reached by the 88 km (55 mi) long Darjeeling Himalayan Railway from New Jalpaiguri, or by National Highway 55, from Siliguri, 77 km (48 mi) away.[52][53] The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway is a 60 cm (24 in) narrow-gauge railway that was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1999 for being "an outstanding example of the influence of an innovative transportation system on the social and economic development of a multi-cultural region, which was to serve as a model for similar developments in many parts of the world",[54] becoming only the second railway in the world to have this honour.[13][49] Bus services and hired vehicles connect Darjeeling with Siliguri and Darjeeling has road connections with Bagdogra, Gangtok andKathmandu and the neighbouring towns of Kurseong and Kalimpong.[52] However, road and railway communications often get disrupted in the monsoons because of landslides. The nearest airport is in Bagdogra, located 90 km (56 mi) from Darjeeling.[52] Within the town, people usually traverse by walking. Residents also use bicycles, two-wheelers and hired taxis for travelling short distances. The Darjeeling Ropeway, functional since 1968, was closed in 2003 after an accident killed four tourists.[55] It was proposed to be reopened in 2007,[56] but remained closed as of November 2009 due to absence of patronage as a result of the development of the road network in the region.[57]

[edit]Demographics

Main article: Demographics of Darjeeling

According to the 2001 census, the Darjeeling urban agglomeration, with an area of 12.77 km2 (4.93 sq mi) has a population of 109,163, while the municipal area has a population of 107,530.[37] The population density of the municipal area is 10,173 per km2. The sex ratio is 1,017 females per 1,000 males,[37] which is higher than the national average of 933 females per 1000 males.[58] The three largest religions areHinduism, Buddhism and Christianity, in that order.[59] The majority of the populace are Gorkhas of ethnic Nepali background. Indigenous ethnic groups include the Limbu, Rai, Tamangs, Lepchas, Gurung, Bhutias, Sherpas and Newars. Other communities that inhabit Darjeeling include the Bengali, Anglo-Indians, Chinese, Bihari (mainly migrant labourors) and Tibetans. The most commonly spoken languages areNepali, Bengali and English.[60]

Darjeeling has seen a significant growth in its population, with its average growth rate being 47% between 1991 and 2001.[37] The colonial town had been designed for a population of only 10,000 and subsequent growth has created extensive infrastructural and environmental problems. The district's forests and other natural wealth have been adversely affected by an ever-growing population. Environmental degradation, including denudation of the surrounding hills, has adversely affected Darjeeling's appeal as a tourist destination.[30]

[edit]Culture

Main article: Culture of Darjeeling
A man and a woman praying at a small white shrine with a red roof. Several colourful flags on buntings are strung across poles in front of the shrine.
Colourful flags with Buddhist text around a Hindu temple.

Apart from the major religious festivals of Dashain (Durga puja), Tihar (Diwali) and Christmas the diverse ethnic populace of the town celebrates several local festivals. The Lepchas and Bhutias celebrate new year in January, while Tibetans celebrate their new year, Losar, in February–March. The birthday of the Dalai Lama is celebrated in mid-June with processions.[60] Darjeeling Carnival, initiated by a civil society movement known as The Darjeeling Initiative, is a ten day carnival held every year during the winter with portrayal of the Darjeeling Hill's musical and cultural heritage as its central theme.[61]

A popular food in Darjeeling is the Tibetan momo, a steamed dumpling containing meat cooked in a doughy wrapping and served with clear soup and achar. A form of Tibetan noodle called thukpa, served in soup form is also popular. Other commonly eaten dishes include alu dum, a potato preparation, and shaphalay, Tibetan bread stuffed with meat.[60] Fermented foods and beverages are consumed by a large percentage of the population.[62] Fermented foods include preparations of soyabean, bamboo shoots, milk and Sel roti, which is made from rice.[63] Tea is the most popular beverage, the Tibetan version is also drunk.[60] Alcoholic beverages include Tongba,Jnaard and Chhaang, variations of a local beer made from fermenting finger millet.[60][64][65]

A two-storeyed building to the right of a four-storeyed building. A basketball court in the foreground and a couple of vehicles parked on either side. Foggy atmosphere, with trees in the background.
Tibetan Refugee Self Help Center

Colonial architecture characterises many buildings in Darjeeling, exemplified by several mock Tudor residences, Gothic churches, the Raj Bhawan, Planters' Club and various educational institutions. Buddhist monasteries showcase the pagoda style architecture. Darjeeling is regarded as a centre of music and a niche for musicians and music admirers. Singing and playing musical instruments is a common pastime among the resident population, who take pride in the traditions and role of music in cultural life.[66]

[edit]Education

There are 52 primary schools, 21 high schools and 4 colleges in the town.[41] Darjeeling's schools are either run by the state government or by private and religious organisations. Schools mainly use English and Nepali as their media of instruction, although there is option to learn the national language Hindi and the official state language Bengali. The schools are either affiliated with the ICSE, the CBSE, or the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education. Having been a summer retreat for the British in India, Darjeeling became the place of choice for the establishment ofpublic schools on the model of Eton, Harrow and Rugby, allowing the children of British officials to obtain an exclusive education.[67]Institutions such as St. Joseph's College (School Dept.), Loreto Convent, St. Paul's School and Mount Hermon School are renowned as centres of educational excellence.[68] Darjeeling has four colleges — St. Joseph's College, Southfield College (earlier known as Loreto College), Darjeeling Government College and Sri Ramakrishna B.T. College — all affiliated to the University of North Bengal in Siliguri.

[edit]Notes

  1. ^ a b c d e "District Profile". Official webpage. Darjeeling district. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  2. ^ a b Srivastava 2003, p. 4024.
  3. ^ Dasgupta 1999, pp. 47–48.
  4. ^ a b c Dasgupta 1999, p. 51.
  5. ^ a b Dasgupta 1999, p. 50.
  6. ^ Lamb 1986, p. 69.
  7. ^ Dasgupta 1999, p. 47.
  8. ^ a b c "History of Darjeeling". Official webpage. Darjeeling district. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  9. ^ Dasgupta 1999, p. 48.
  10. ^ Palit 2006, p. 16.
  11. ^ Kenny 1995, p. 700.
  12. ^ a b c d Lamb 1986, p. 71.
  13. ^ a b "Mountain Railways of India". UNESCO World Heritage Centre. UNESCO. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  14. ^ Gerard 1990, p. 258.
  15. ^ Borbara, Sanjoy (2003). "Autonomy for Darjeeling: History and Practice". Experiences on Autonomy in East and North East: A Report on the Third Civil Society Dialogue on Human Rights and Peace. Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  16. ^ Dasgupta 1999, p. 60.
  17. ^ "Darjeeling Hills plunges into the Independence Movement".Official webpage. Darjeeling district. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  18. ^ a b Dasgupta 1999, p. 61.
  19. ^ Dasgupta 1999, p. 55.
  20. ^ Dasgupta 1999, pp. 61–62.
  21. ^ Dasgupta 1999, p. 62.
  22. ^ Dasgupta 1999, pp. 63–64.
  23. ^ Dasgupta 1999, p. 65.
  24. ^ a b c d Sujoy Dhar (2009-07-14). "Darjeeling protests hit tea and tourism". Livemint. Retrieved 2009-11-25.
  25. ^ a b c Khawas, Vimal (2003). "Urban Management in Darjeeling Himalaya: A Case Study of Darjeeling Municipality". The Mountain Forum. Retrieved 2006-05-01. Now available in theInternet Archive in this URL . Retrieved 7 June 2006.
  26. ^ a b "Darjeeling". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service. Retrieved 2006-07-26.
  27. ^ a b c Negi 1992, p. 185.
  28. ^ Negi 1992, pp. 28–29.
  29. ^ "Himalayan Tahrs, Blue sheep for Darjeeling Zoo arrive from Japan". The Hindu. 2009-10-29. Retrieved 2009-11-10.
  30. ^ a b TERI (2001). "Sustainable Development in the Darjeeling Hill Area" (PDF). Tata Energy Research Institute, New Delhi. (TERI Project No.2000UT64). p. 20. Retrieved 2006-05-01.
  31. ^ Mackintosh 2009, p. 2.
  32. ^ Negi 1992, pp. 43–48.
  33. ^ Dam, Mohana (2009-07-06). "New centres to help endangered panda and dolphin thrive". Express India. The Indian Express. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  34. ^ a b "Weatherbase entry for Darjeeling". Canty and Associates LLC. Retrieved 2006-04-30.
  35. ^ Sarkar 1999, p. 299.
  36. ^ Malabi Gupta (2009-11-26). "Brewtal climate: Droughts, storms cracking Darjeeling's teacup". Hindustan Times. Retrieved 2009-12-03.
  37. ^ a b c d e f "Table-4 Population, Decadal Growth Rate, Density and General Sex Ratio by Residence and Sex, West Bengal/ District/ Sub District, 1991 and 2001". Directorate of Census Operations, West Bengal. 2003. Archived from the original on 2005-08-27. Retrieved 2006-04-30.
  38. ^ "Table-3 District Wise List of Statutory Towns (Municipal Corporation, Municipality, Notified Area and Cantonment Board), Census Towns and Outgrowths, West Bengal, 2001". Directorate of Census Operations, West Bengal. 2003. Retrieved 2006-04-30.
  39. ^ Express news service (2008-03-11). "Ghisingh gone, Morcha 'closer' to Gorkhaland". Express India. The Indian Express. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  40. ^ a b "Water Supply". Official webpage. Darjeeling municipality. Retrieved 2009-12-03.
  41. ^ a b c "General Information". Official webpage. Darjeeling municipality. Retrieved 2010-01-08.
  42. ^ Aftab 2005, p. 186.
  43. ^ Aftab 2005, p. 187.
  44. ^ Dam, Mohana (2009-06-11). "Darjeeling to ban plastic altogether". Express India. The Indian Express. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  45. ^ "Roads". Official webpage. Darjeeling municipality. Retrieved 2010-01-08.
  46. ^ "Darjeeling tea growers at risk". BBC News. 2001-07-27. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  47. ^ a b Haber, Daniel B. (2004-01-14). "Economy-India: Famed Darjeeling Tea Growers Eye Tourism for Survival". Inter Press Service News Agency. Retrieved 2006-05-08.
  48. ^ "Agriculture". Official webpage. Darjeeling district. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  49. ^ a b Sudha Mahalingam (March 2001). "Darjeeling: Where the journey is the destination". Outlook Traveller. Outlook Publishing (India) Private Limited. Archived from the original on 2007-04-15. Retrieved 2007-03-09.
  50. ^ "Darjeeling Toy Train". Theme India: Train Tourism in India. IndiaLine. Retrieved 2009-12-05.
  51. ^ Dasgupta 1999, p. 66.
  52. ^ a b c de Bruyn 2008, p. 578.
  53. ^ "NH wise Details of NH in respect of Stretches entrusted to NHAI". National Highways Authority of India. Retrieved 2011-01-07.
  54. ^ "World Heritage Committee: Report of the 23rd Session, Marrakesh, 1999". UNESCO. 1999. Darjeeling Himalayan Railway. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  55. ^ "Darjeeling ropeway mishap kills four". The Statesman. 2003-10-20. Archived from the original on September 29, 2007. Retrieved 2007-06-30.
  56. ^ Soma Mookerjee (2007-06-22). "Darjeeling Ropeway to open again". The Statesman. Archived from the original on 2008-04-18. Retrieved 2009-12-02.
  57. ^ Mohan Prasad (2009-11-30). "Time, neglect apply brakes on ropeways". The Statesman. Retrieved 2011-01-07.
  58. ^ "India at a Glance: Sex Ratio". Census of India, 2001. Retrieved 2009-11-19.
  59. ^ "Basic data sheet, District Darjiling". Census of India, 2001. Retrieved 2009-11-19.
  60. ^ a b c d e "People & Culture". Official webpage. Darjeeling district. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
  61. ^ S.S. Chattopadhyay (December 2003). "The spirit of Darjeeling". Frontline 20 (25). Retrieved 2006-05-01.
  62. ^ Tamang 1988, p. 376.
  63. ^ Tamang 1988, p. 375.
  64. ^ Tamang 1988, p. 382.
  65. ^ H. Ä. Jaschke (1881). A Tibetan-English Dictionary (1987 reprint ed.). Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. p. 341. ISBN 81-208-0321-3.
  66. ^ D.P. Rasaily, R.P. Lama. "The Nature-centric Culture of the Nepalese". The Cultural Dimension of Ecology. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi. Retrieved 2006-07-31.
  67. ^ Lal, Vinay. ""Hill Stations: Pinnacles of the Raj." Review article on Dale Kennedy, The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj". UCLA Social Sciences Computing. Retrieved 2001-07-30.
  68. ^ "Educational Institutes". Official webpage. Darjeeling district. Retrieved 2011-06-15.

[edit]References

[edit]Further reading

  • Bradnock, R; Bradnock, R (2004). Footprint India Handbook (13th ed.). Footprint Handbooks. ISBN 1-904777-00-7.
  • Brown, Percy (1917). Tours in Sikhim and the Darjeeling District (3rd (1934) ed.). Calcutta: W. Newman & Co.. p. 223. ISBN ASIN: B0008B2MIY.
  • Kennedy, Dane (1996). Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj. University of California Press. p. 265. ISBN 0-520-20188-4.
  • Lee, Ada (1971). The Darjeeling disaster: Triumph through sorrow: the triumph of the six Lee children. Lee Memorial Mission. ISBN ASIN: B0007AUX00.
  • Newman's Guide to Darjeeling and Its Surroundings, Historical & Descriptive, with Some Account of the Manners and Customs of the Neighbouring Hill Tribes, and a Chapter on Thibet and the Thibetans. W. Newman and Co.. 1900.
  • Ronaldshay, The Earl of (1923). Lands of the Thunderbolt. Sikhim, Chumbi & Bhutan. London: Constable & Co.. ISBN 81-206-1504-2 (Reprint).
  • Roy, Barun (2003). Fallen Cicada (2003 ed.). Beacon Publication. p. 223. ISBN 0732193121X.
  • Saraswati, Baidyanath (Ed) (1998). Cultural Dimension of Ecology. DK Print World Pvt. Ltd, India. ISBN 81-246-0102-X.
  • Singh, S. (2005). Lonely Planet India (11th ed.). Lonely Planet Publications. ISBN 1-74059-694-3.
  • Waddell, L. A. (2004). Among the Himalayas. Kessinger Publishing. ISBN 0-7661-8918-X.

[edit]External links

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Subhash Ghisingh

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Subhash Ghisingh
Born22 June 1936
Manju Tea Estate, Darjeeling,British India
OccupationPolitician

Subhash Ghisingh (Nepali: सुवास घिसिङ) is the leader of Gorkhaland National Liberation Front(GNLF) which he founded in 1980. He was the chairman of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council inWest Bengal, India from 1988 to 2008. He spearheaded the Gorkhaland movement in the 1980s.

The Gorkhaland movement grew from the demand of Gorkhas living in Darjeeling District of West Bengal for a separate state. The Gorkhaland National Liberation Front led the movement, which disrupted the district with massive violence between 1986 and 1988. The issue was resolved, at least temporarily, in 1988 with the establishment of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council within West Bengal.

Contents

 [hide]

[edit]Life

He was born on 22 June 1936 at Manju Tea Estate in Darjeeling. While a student of Class IX in St. Robert's High School, Darjeeling, his father died. As a result, he left school and joined the Gorkha Rifles of the Indian Army as a soldier in 1954. He completed his matriculation in 1959 while working, but quit the army in 1960 and returned to Darjeeling.[1]

After working as a teacher in Tindharia Bangla Primary School for about a year, he enrolled at Kalimpong Junior BT College in 1961. As result of an altercation with the college principal he left the college. He joined Darjeeling Government College and passed Pre-University Arts degree in 1963.[1]

While a second-year B.A. student, he was arrested for participating in a political agitation against the poor conditions of the hills. He then had to quit studies. He was then the general secretary of Tarun Sangh. It was the beginning of a long political career.[1]

In 1968, Ghisingh was vocal on issues concerning the hills and formed a political outfit, Nilo Jhanda, to further the cause. On 22 April 1979, for the first time, he raised the demand for a separate state for the Nepali-speaking people of the Darjeeling hills. On 5 April 1980, he demanded the formation of Gorkhaland, a separate state for the Gorkhas within India . He formed the Gorkha National Liberation Front to achieve statehood. After a prolonged struggle marked by much bloodshed, on 22 August 1988, he signed an agreement with the state and the central governments for the creation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, a semi-autonomous body.[1]

[edit]Statehood demand

In 1986, the Gorkhaland National Liberation Front under the leadership of Subhash Ghisingh, having failed to obtain a separate regional administrative identity from Parliament, demanded a separate state of Gorkhaland. This statehood movement turned violent and was severely repressed by the West Bengal government. The disturbances almost totally shut down the Darjeeling district's economic mainstays of teaand tourism. The Left Front government of West Bengal, which earlier had supported some form of autonomy, now opposed it as "antinational". The state government claimed that Darjeeling district was no worse off than the state in general and was richer than many districts. However, GNLF spoke of discrimination from the West Bengal administration towards the Gorkhas.

After two years of violent agitation and the loss of at least 1,200 lives, the government of West Bengal and the central government of India agreed on granting a semi-autonomous administrative body to Darjeeling hills. In July 1988, the GNLF gave up its demand for a separate state, and in August 1988, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council came into being. Ghisingh became its chairman after winning the first council elections. The council had authority over some economic development programmes, tourism and culture. Ghisingh remained the chairman of the DGHC for 20 years with his GNLF party winning the DGHC elections three times.

[edit]Sixth Schedule and exile

The fourth DGHC elections were due in 2004. However, the government decided not to hold elections and instead made Subhash Ghisingh the sole caretaker of the DGHC till the Sixth Schedule council was established. Most of the other political parties and organizations opposed the setting up of a Sixth Schedule Tribal Council as there was only a minority tribal population in the DGHC area. Resentment among the former councillors of DGHC also grew rapidly. Among them, Bimal Gurung, once the trusted aide of Ghisingh, decided to break away from the GNLF.[2] Riding on a mass support for Prashant Tamang, an Indian Idol candidate from Darjeeling in 2007, Bimal quickly capitalized on the public support he received for supporting Prashant, and was able to overthrow Ghisingh from the seat of power. Ghisingh resigned from the chairmanship of the DGHC in March 2008[3] and shifted residence to Jalpaiguri. GNLF lost most of its support and cadres to Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, a new party headed by Bimal Gurung.

[edit]West Bengal assembly elections 2011 and return from exile

After lying in political hibernation for three years, Subhash Ghisingh returned to Darjeeling on 8 April 2011 ahead of the West Bengal assembly elections.[4] He has also announced that his party would contest the upcoming state assembly elections to be held on 18 April 2011 from three constituencies in the Darjeeling hills.[5]

[edit]References

  1. ^ a b c d Paul, Bappaditya. "Gorkhaland is my monkey". Perspective. The Statesman, 2007-01-11.
  2. ^ http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2424/stories/20071221501702700.htm
  3. ^ "Subhash Ghisingh resigns". The Hindu. 11 March 2008.
  4. ^ Ghisingh back in Hills after 3 yrs, The Times of India
  5. ^ GNLF to contest three assembly seats in Darjeeling hills, The Hindu

Bimal Gurung

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Bimal Gurung (Nepali: विमल गुरुङ) is the leader of Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), a party that is demanding the formation of a Gorkhalandstate in India.

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[edit]DGHC

Bimal Gurung became a GNLF councillor representing Tukver in the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) after the previous councillor Rudra Pradhan was murdered in Darjeeling. He became a close aide of Subhash Ghisingh, the leader of GNLF and chairman of DGHC.

[edit]Indian Idol and Sixth Schedule

The fourth DGHC elections were due in 2004. However, the government decided not to hold elections and instead made Subhash Ghisingh the sole caretaker of the DGHC till the Sixth Schedule council was established. Most of the other political parties and organizations opposed the setting up of a Sixth Schedule Tribal Council as there was only a minority tribal population in the DGHC area. Resentment among the former councillors of DGHC also grew rapidly. Among them, Bimal Gurung decided to break away from the GNLF.[1] Riding on a mass support for Prashant Tamang, an Indian Idol candidate from Darjeeling in 2007, Bimal quickly capitalized on the public support he received for supporting Prashant, and was able to overthrow Ghisingh from the seat of power. Ghisingh resigned from the chairmanship of the DGHC in March 2008[2] and shifted residence to Jalpaiguri. GNLF lost most of its support and cadres to Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, a new party headed by Bimal Gurung.

[edit]Gorkhaland demand

Immediately upon formation of GJM, Bimal renewed the demand of the formation of a Gorkhaland state comprising of the Darjeeling districtand many areas of the Dooars. The total area of the proposed state is 6450 km2 and comprises Banarhat, Bhaktinagar, Birpara, Chalsa, Darjeeling, Jaigaon, Kalchini, Kalimpong, Kumargram, Kurseong, Madarihat, Malbazar, Mirik and Nagarkatta.[3] Unlike the 1980s, GJM has maintained that the struggle for Gorkhaland would be through non-violence and non-cooperation.[4] Bimal received mass support from the people of Darjeeling district, Dooars and other parts of India for his statehood demand.[5]

[edit]Lok Sabha Election 2009

Jaswant Singh, the BJP candidate, supported by the GJM, won the Darjeeling constituency Lok Sabha election 2009 defeating his nearest rival Jibesh Sarkar of the CPI(M) by a margin of over 2.5 lakh votes. The GJM had supported the BJP in lieu of the latter's positive outlook towards the formation of Gorkhaland as mentioned in their party manifesto for the Lok Sabha elections.

[edit]References

  1. ^ Smouldering hills
  2. ^ The Hindu : Front Page : Subhas Ghising resigns
  3. ^ http://www.gorkhajanmuktimorcha.org/download/gorkhaland-booklet.pdf
  4. ^ GJM places demands, Buddhadeb says no division of West Bengal
  5. ^ GJM chief Bimal Gurung:Self-possessed and ruthless - Rediff.com India News
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Assamese Nationality Question
By SAJAL NAG

A misinformed idea of nation making subdues smaller linguistic communities by a so-called majority community. Assamese nationalist assertion is driven by its desire to break the Bengalee domination of its language and culture. But overridden by the anti-Bengalee movement and the politics of dominance underneath, the smaller communities which formed parts of the composite Assamese identity have today got alienated and parted ways.


Until very recently the making of an Indian was seen as a unilinear, mono-dimensional process manifesting itself in the Indian national movement. The sole objective of the national movement was to rally all the Indians together to combat British colonialism and establish itself as a 'nation'. (1) The only diversion in this process came from the separatist attitude of the Muslims who played into the 'divide and rule' manoeuvres of the colonial administrators and brought about the partition of the country.

One of the foremost challenges to this historiography came when Indian national movement was refused to be seen as a 'hallowed and blemish-less' movement. It was pointed out that Indian national movement failed to channelise the currents of national and the social discontents into one single anti-colonial, anti-feudal revolution—a lapse which was described as 'tragic'.(2) This movement also failed to ensure 'perfect mobilisation' (3) which happened due to its bourgeois character.(4) This radical historiography also pointed out that there has been a tendency of the 'elitist' historiography to concentrate on the Gandhian uprisings as 'abnormal outgrowth' peripheral to the study of the development of Indian nationhood.(5) These critics depicted that it was a distortion of the reality. The Congress-led movement and the popular upsurges in various parts of the country were coeval processes. In fact, often, at opportune times, the Congress leadership attempted to seize control of the latter so as to curb the outburst of any undesirable militancy. The third challenge disputed the theory that the achievement of Indian freedom was solely the work of the Indian National Congress. It brought to light vast new materials to show that the British attempted to retain the 'jewel of the crown' until the last-moment (6) but it was the immense panic created by the widespread revolt throughout the country that prompted the war-devastated Britain to make a hasty withdrawal from India.(7) The fourth dimension of the Indian nation making process was discovered by another group of historians who rejected the notion that India was already a nation. It brought into light the fact that colonial India experienced two streams of coeval processes as far as its nationality question was concerned. One was based on its pan-Indian identity and the other on its regional linguistic-cultural identity. While the former stimulated fight against the colonial rule, the latter at the same time worked towards self-assertion.(8)

This school rejected the pre-conceived one-nation-one-national movement theory and formulated that considering the diverse and multiple linguistic, cultural and even racial communities that India consisted of, who are all advancing towards a nation like entity, India can be described as a multi-nationality and multi-ethnic country.(9) India is, therefore, a country which contained a number of nationalities, both nascent and consolidated, who are at various historical stages of development. None of these, however, theoretically speaking, yet by themselves form a nation. Together they form the Indian nation-in-the-making.(10) The nationalist aspirations of self-rule of these entities are either satisfied or neutralised by the federal structure of the union. The period of Indian freedom struggle coincided with the period of awakening of these nationalities. These awakenings manifested themselves in the form of agitations and movements for recognition to their respective vernaculars, formation of unilingual provinces and separation from the dominant nationalities. These movements based on regional identities have been variously termed as 'little nationalism',(11)'regionalism',(12) 'sub-nationalism' (13) and even full-fledged 'nationalism' (14). In general, historically speaking these movements flowed under the shadow of the anti-colonial movement during the colonial period and did not oppose the interest of the latter. In fact, these were not isolated movements but an integral part of the nation-making process itself. But, after independence, these movements occurred with more frequency and intensity as recognition to regional identities and regional autonomy was a promised nationalist agenda. It, therefore, often had to fight against the post-colonial state itself as it went back on its promises and failed to recognise the urgency of reorganisation of the colonial policy.(15) These struggles and the response to it by the colonial state thus form an important chapter of the history of modern India. Unfortunately, the text books of modern Indian history do not include these processes. Although, the resurgence of radical schools of Indian historiography in recent times has forced the entry of peasants, workers, tribals and dalits into the textbooks of modern Indian history(16) which so far were 'elitist' and 'politics' oriented, ethnic and nationality movements still remain excluded. But the developments that post-colonial India have experienced have made it amply clear that without the inclusion of these streams any understanding of the making of Indian nation would be in-adequate.

In India, the nationality formation process hastened with the advent of British capitalism in colonial form. The new mode of production required a homogeneous market, unified political territory and a common language. The British, therefore, administratively unified the country. In the process, among the groups which first came into contact with the British, the language of the major group was designated the official language of the area indirectly recognising the group as the major nationality. This resulted in suppression of small nationalities whose language was not developed or who were yet to come into contact with the British. Their linguistic-cultural claims were brushed aside. The big nationalities flourished while the small ones remained subdued. The big nationalities spread their social and economic domination(17) by controlling the employment sector owing to the head start they had in the new education system. To assert their nationality status the small groups had to break the domination of the big groups and reinstate their own language and culture in their rightful place. In this nationality formation process, language played a crucial role. It became a rallying point and a symbol of crusade. In Assam, Bengali was introduced as the official language overlooking the claims of the Assamese. The Assamese strongly resented this. The situation was aggravated by the dominance of Bengalees in the employment sector and suppression of Assamese culture. Complaints were voiced in Orrissa also about the unequal status of Oriya vis-à-vis the Bangali language. The situation here was similar to that of Assam. The Oriyas lamented that 'the Bengalees assert that Oriya is merely a dialect of Bengali and has no claim to be considered as an independent language (though) at a period when Oriya was already a fixed and settled language, Bengali did not even exist.'(18) To this were added other issues which further strained the relationship between the two groups. 'The new education system was dominated by the Bengalees. There was a movement in progress to replace Oriya by Bengali in administration and education.(19) The movement for the separation of Bihar from Bengal was Bihar's first effort to 'assert its own regional identity'.(20) Bihar was tagged to Bengal during pre-British times. This slowed its political and economic development. The emergence of British power sealed Bihar's fate for another century. On the one hand, the official language of Bihar—'Hindi'—was not the mother-tongue of any major population group.(21) While on the other, Bihar had to grow under the cultural shadow of Bengal. Bengalees were also the preponderant group in education and jobs. Thus, the agitation for separation of Bihar from Bengal was essentially an anti Bengalee movement.(22) In Madras presidency, the Telegus outnumbered the Tamils but because the Tamils were educationally advanced, they dominated Government service which was then the most important employment sector. This incited jealousy between the two communities.(23) Such conflicts between communities in India, though are often violent and a source of destabilization, were signs of development of nationalities.(24)

 
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FORMATION OF THE ASSAMESE NATIONALITY:

The pre-colonial Assamese were settled in a clearly demarcated geographical territory. The Indo-Aryan Assamese language emerged as the lingua franca for group residing within the boundary including the ruling Ahoms who gave up their language in favour of Assamese. There was corresponding development in literature and culture also. While state intervention helped institutionalise folk culture, the rise of the bhakti movement enriched literature. As a result it became easier to distinguish the Assamese as a separate entity. State control of the production process brought about uniformity in the economic life of the people. The geography of the state and royal policies bred insularity, and consequently dislike for outsiders. A greater Assamese community was emerging on the basis of common language, territory, economic life and mental outlook.(25) The community, however, was not stable because the members of the community, represented distinguishable cultural types; it was not unilingual in spite of Assamese being the lingua franca because the Indo-Mongoloid groups retained their languages for conversation; and the concept of a motherland did not extend beyond the local geographical unit and operated only during external attacks. Inner contradictions surfaced owing to the advancement of a feudal mode of production resulting in the Moamaria peasant uprising in religious garb followed by a fratricidal war of succession. In the internecine power struggle the Ahom royalty threw open the insular society and sought British and Burmese help. The Burmese entered and devastated the structure followed by the British who stayed on to annex the province.

The advent of British rule disrupted the social formation. To render it responsive to the requirements of British capitalism, the existing structure of Assam was transformed by force. The ownership of the means of production was changed and the self-sufficiency of the economy was destroyed. Production for satisfaction of needs was replaced by production for trade. A new revenue system along with its superstructure was introduced. An extensive administrative set up along with a new judicial system made their appearance. The new means of subsistence and functioning changed the value system. The cumulative result was the gradual impoverishment of Assamese peasants, the disappearance of the medieval gentry and the emergence of modern social classes.

A number of Bengalee functionaries entered Assam along with the British. They were the functionaries through whom the changes were effected. A new geographical territory was imposed on the Assamese by attaching them to Bengal. The British rule halted the centuries old process of amalgamation and homogenisation in Assam.

When, in the interest of tea plantations and trade, the British separated Assam from Bengal and created a separate Assam Chief Commissionerate, Bengali was introduced as the official language of Assam. This was a setback for the Assamese. Missionaries preaching Christianity through the medium of the local tongue were also affected. Together they started an agitation to compel change in the policy. The government retaliated by saying that Assamese could not be the medium of instruction since it was a mere Bengali patois. The Assamese middle class and Missionaries made serious efforts to disprove the theory. The British, meanwhile, were supported by prominent Bengalees. However, Assamese was finally declared the official language.

While the subjugation of Assamese was viewed as an attack on the Assamese nationality, the employment of Bengalees was considered to be an attack on the economic rights of the Assamese. In a situation where the traditional means of subsistence were fast disappearing, avenues open to the Assamese were the white collar jobs. However, they lost these jobs to competing Bengalees who had better access to modern education and were often preferred by the British. Economic frustration gave birth to ethnic ideas and resentment.

Ethnic polarisation also permeated the social relations between the two groups. Being the functionaries of the British, the Bengalees identified themselves with the ruling class. Their cultural advancement bred ethnocentrism which led them to flaunt their advancement. Bengali cultural activities, therefore, flourished in the Brahmaputra Valley. In contrast Assamese culture was subdued. Attracted by the advancement of the Bengalees a section of the Assamese delinked themselves from the Assamese community and adopted Bengali culture and openly stated that they were proud of doing so. This resulted in partial acculturation. The societal bi-culturalism hampered the development of the Assamese nationality.

The most serious threat to the Assamese came from the increase in the numerical strength of the Bengalees through continuous immigration. Immigration was not confined to job-seeking Bengalees only. It comprised the land-seeking farm settlers also. The massive immigration continued unabated despite protests from the Assamese because the economy needed these immigrants. From a small immigrant community, the Bengalees became a dominating force. The enlargement of their sphere of influence enabled the Bengalees to lay claim to the resources of the province hitherto considered the exclusive preserve of the Assamese. The Bengalees also demanded and won a share in local self-government and state politics. They challenged the Assamese by demanding that some schools should have Bengali as the medium of instruction. Since they were numerically strong, the government acceded to their demand. The establishment of Bengali (medium of instruction) schools in the Brahmaputra Valley was another setback to the aspirations of the Assamese nationality.

To counter the Bengalee dominance the Assamese had to accomplish a number of arduous tasks. One was to curb the growth of Bengalee population. Since immigration was partially government sponsored, their appeals and protests fell on deaf ears. The immigrants, who happened to be Bengalees, along with the Bengalees of Surma Valley were already in a position to be declared as the majority community of the province. Since the existence of the Assamese nationality now depended on the reduction of the number of the Bengalees in the province it was sought to be achieved by transferring Sylhet to Bengal and assimilating the immigrant Bengalee farm settlers.

Meanwhile, the continuing settlement of Bengalee Muslim immigrants destroyed the homogeneity of Assamese society. The immigrants with an alien religion, different languages, social attitudes and behavioural patterns were regarded as pollutants by the Assamese rural folk who valued their ethnic, linguistic and religious affiliations. The prosperity of the immigrant peasants fuelled the Assamese-Bengalee peasant conflict.

The middle class leadership of Assam taking note of the threats and challenges faced by the Assamese nationality and the ethnic conflict, it was involved in responding to the situation. They established Assamese literature by contributing copiously to it and unearthing its past glory. They also successfully demolished the theory that Assamese was a dialect of the Bengali language and affirmed its separate identity. Through a process of meticulous politicisation and socialisation they channelled the fears and aspirations of the emerging Assamese nationality into a social movement.

The movement for the development of the Assamese nationality attracted participation of all classes of the society. Reduction of the numerical strength of the Bengalee was taken up as the most urgent task by the Assamese at the social level. They joined the Bengalees of Sylhet in their demand that Sylhet be transferred back to Bengal. The Assamese now forced the government to stop further immigration and evict the existing immigrants. The unrestricted immigration also increased the percentage of the Muslim population in Assam since a large number of the immigrant Bengalees were Muslims. This led the Muslim League to demand that Assam be transferred to the proposed state of Pakistan. The Grouping plan of the Cabinet Mission which bracketed Assam with Bengal was a simultaneous threat. While the former proposal meant that the Assamese would lose their identity in the proposed Islamic State of Pakistan, the latter proposal meant that they would be absorbed in Bengal. Both were considered equally perilous for the survival of the Assamese nationality which found itself cornered both on linguistic and religious grounds. To fight these threats the entire Assamese society fought as unified group. Eventually, the Assamese leadership succeeded in thwarting the Grouping plan. Soon, Sylhet too was transferred to Pakistan.

The Assamese-Bengalee ethnic conflict, thus, was an integral part of the process of the development of the Assamese nationality. By the fourth decade of the twentieth century the Indo-Mongoloid groups like the Bodos and Ahoms who hitherto formed a part of the Assamese nationality also began to show signs of secession which the Assamese leadership failed to perceive. With its new found chauvinism, the Assamese nationality not only ignored the grievances of such groups, it even brushed aside their cultural aspirations.
Again though the numerical strength of the Bengalees had reduced after the transfer of Sylhet to Pakistan, a few lakhs of Bengalee Hindus entered Assam as refugees in successive waves. They added to the existing Bengalee population. But the potential source of danger was the immigrants who declared themselves as Assamese in the Census Reports without actually going through the assimilation process. In a political structure where 'numbers' could make or break a nationality; this turn out to become a major issue of concern. The perpetual fear that the Assamese faced then onwards was that at any time these immigrants might resume calling themselves Bengalees thereby tilting the balance again in favour of the Bengalees
.
The rise and development of the ethnic conflict in Assam had Assamese nationality formation as its backdrop, either of these was not an isolated process. In fact, the ethnic conflict and Assamese nationality formation were inextricable parts of the same process—of the development of Assamese nationality.		  
 
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POST INDEPENDENCE CRISIS:

After independence ethno-nationality issues began to surface endemically. The outbreak of a strong and violent ethnic conflict after 1947 was perhaps nowhere as prominent as in Assam. The ethnic conflict in Assam had its making during the colonial period. In that period there was no violent clash between the Bengalees and the Assamese. The Assamese wanted to remove the Bengalees from their social unit. The transfer of Sylhet to Pakistan and eviction of immigrants substantially reduced the Bengalee and Muslim population in the Assam Valley. This reduced the threat to the political aspirations of the Assamese. However, the preponderant Bengali culture in the valley worried the Assamese. The influx of refugees from then Pakistan again increased the Bengalee population of Assam. The tension surfaced again. Soon after independence an open clash broke out in 1948 between the two communities. In major towns of Assam valley, Bengalees were assaulted on the streets and Bengali signboards were pulled down. The assaulters were drawn from the student community. The social base of the movement was becoming wider and its manifestation more violent.

1948 also ushered in a new phase in the movement. So far the Assamese had viewed expulsion of the Bengalees as a means of reducing the threat to their aspirations. They now found that a thorough Assamesisation of the province would reduce the fear of Bengali acculturation. The pulling down of Bengali signboards and the demand to use Assamese on signboards was one device. The violent outburst that took place in 1954, 1955 and 1960 were a continuation of the 1948 phase. While in 1954 and 1955, the Assamesistation efforts were more extensive, in 1960 a bolder step was taken. Assamese was sought to be introduced as the official language of Assam. The political leaders of the province also supported the demand and the government took necessary steps to implement it. The Bengalees mainly in the Cachar Valley and the hill tribes offered massive resistance to the move. Violent disturbances took place in various parts of the state in protest against the forcible imposition of the Assamese language. Loot, arson, assaults, injuries and deaths(26) were followed by the hill peoples' demand for separation from Assam.

The move to impose Assamese proved to be both a disaster and a reve-lation for the Assamese. It showed that the time was not yet ripe for such an attempt and that the Assamese were not the undisputed dominant community in Assam. The resistance offered by the Bengalees showed that they were also a force to reckon within Assam. It also revealed that the Assamese did not have an economic foothold in their own state. The Marwari trading community virtually controlled the economy. Hence, in 1968, a movement was launched against the Marwaris wherein they were asked to quit Assam.

The 1970 and 1972 outbursts were pre-and post-census (1971) attempts at Assamesisation. In 1970, it was an attempt to terrorise Bengalees to declare Assamese as their mother-tongue in the census. In 1972, it was a reaction to the increase in the Bengalee population. It was suspected that many refugees who entered Assam in the wake of the Bangladesh War (1971) stayed back illegally and registered themselves as regular Indian citizens in the Census which further increased the Bengalee population.

The Assamese achieved no significant success in these movements. Hence, in 1979-80, the anti-foreign national movements were launched. It was a renewed attempt to reduce the numerical strength of Bengalees in Assam. It grew into a social upheaval and continued for an incredibly long duration. It unleashed a reign of terror, violence and genocide of a magnitude unknown in Assam. It initiated a constitutional crisis. The professed demand was detection and deportation of illegal Bengalee foreign nationals resident in the state. However, the events in the movements showed that it was really an attempt by the Assamese to expel Bengalees from Assam to retain Assamese hegemony in the state and realise their political aspirations. The development and recognition of Assamese as a full-fledged nationality was sought to be achieved by reducing the numerical strength of Bengalees in Assam. But the move proved disastrous as it not only failed to detect and deport the so called foreign nationals, it alienated other groups of the composite Assamese nationality. The major secessionist movement was launched by the Bodos—the largest tribal community of the Brahmaputra valley. They declared themselves as a full fledged nationality, demanded complete autonomy by dividing Assam 'fifty-fifty' and launched a violent movement for self rule. The arrogance and chauvinism of the caste Hindu Assamese also led the Ahoms to break away from the parent community and search an alternate identity. They were followed by the Tiwas, Karbis, Dimasas, and so on, all of whom demanded self rule outside the Assamese hegemony. The grant of autonomous councils has temporarily calmed some of these tribes while other still have launched violent insurgency to achieve their objective.		  
 
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NOTES & REFERENCES:

1. This has been the general perspective of the historiographical school categorised as 'nationalist'.

2. Sumit Sarkar, Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, (New Delhi: People's Publishing House), 1973, pp. 512–16.

3. Gyanendra Pandey, The Ascendancy of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh: A Study in Imperfect Mobilisation, (Delhi: Oxford University Press), 1978.

4. Rajni Palme Dutt, India Today, (London), 1947; A.R. Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, (Bombay: Popular Prakashan), (1947) 1966.

5. Gyanendra Pandey, op.cit., p. 217. An entire school of historiography subsequently emerged which launched a crusade against the elitist historiography and highlighted this aspect of Indian national movement. See the series entitled Subaltern Studies (New Delhi: Oxford University Press) edited by Ranajit Guha.

6. Partha Sarathi Gupta, 'Imperial Strategy and the transfer of power 1939–51', in Amit Kumar Gupta (ed.), Myth and Reality: The Struggle for Freedom in India 1945–47, (New Delhi: Manohar), 1987.

7. Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, 1885–1947, (New Delhi: Macmillan), 1983, pp. 414–46. Also the articles in Amit Kumar Gupta (ed.), op.cit.

8. Amalendu Guha, 'Indian National Question: A Conceptual Framework', in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 17, Special Number, July 31, 1982, pp. 2–12. Also see his 'Great Nationalism, Little Nationalism and Problem of National Integration: A tentative View', Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 14, Annual, February 1979, pp. 355–458. Also see his 'Nationalism: Pan-Indian and Regional in Historical Perspective', Presidential Address, Modern India Section, Indian History Congress, 44th Session, Burdwan, 1983. See, Sudhir Chandra, 'Regional Consciousness in 19th Century India: A Preliminary Note', Economic and Political Weekly, August 17, 1982, pp. 1282–86. See, K. Narayana Rao and G. Dasaradha, The Emergence of Andhra Pradesh, (Bombay), 1973. See, Nivedita Mohanti, Oriya Nationalism, (New Delhi: Manohar), 1982. See, Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict: Nationality Question in North East India, (New Delhi: Manohar), 1990. See, N. Ram, 'Dravida Movement in Pre-Independence Phase', Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 14, No. 78, February 1979, pp. 377–402.

9. Irfan Habib, 'Emergence of Nationalities', in TDSS, Nationality Question in India, Pune, 1987, pp. 17–25. Also see, Amalendu Guha, op.cit. See, Sajal Nag, op.cit.
10 Amalendu Guha, 'Indian National Question, etc.', op.cit.

10. Amalendu Guha, 'Indian National Question, etc.', op.cit.

11. —, 'Great Nationalism, etc.', op.cit.

12. —, 'Nationalism: 'Pan-Indian, etc.', op.cit. See, Sudhir Chandra, op.cit. Also see, Akhtar Majeed (ed.), Regionalism: Developmental Tension in India, (New Delhi: Cosmo), 1984. See, Paul Wallace (ed.), Region and Nation in India, (New Delhi: Oxford and IBH), 1985. See, G. Hargopal, 'Dimension of Regionalism, Nationality Question in Andhra Pradesh', in TDSS, op. cit., pp. 360–90. See, M. Mishra, Politics of Regionalism in India with special Reference to Punjab, (New Delhi: Deep and Deep), 1988.

13. K.L. Sharma, 'Jharkhand Movement: The Questions of Identity and Sub-Nationality',Social Action, Vol. 40, No. 4, October–December, 1990, pp. 370–81.

14. Ghanshyam Shah and K.M. Munshi, 'Gujarat and Indian Nationalism', paper presented in a seminar on Nationalism: Problems and Challenges, organised by K.M. Munshi Centenary Committee and Government of Gujrat, Centre for Social Studies, Surat (henceforth CSS). Also see, Surjit Hans, 'Punjabi Nationalism', ibid. Also see articles by Udayan Mishra on the Nagas, V. Anai Muthu on the Tamils, Shankar Guha Niyogi on Chattisgarh, in Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union, Nationality Question in India, (Hyderabad), 1982. Prof. Javed Alam called the anti-colonial movement for independence in India as a supra-nationality nationalism and the various national movement of the people belonging to different national groups remained subsumed under it, north withstanding the demand for Pakistan. See his 'Class, Political and Natonal Dimesions of State Autonomy Movements in India' in TDSS, op.cit.

15. Sajal Nag, 'Multiplication of Nations? Political Economy of Sub-nationalism in India',Economic and Political Weekly, July 17-24, 1993, pp. 1521–32.

16. Sumit Sarkar, op. cit.

17.  Anil Seal, Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Collaboration in the 19th Century, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1968, pp. 345–46.

18. John Beams, A Comparative Grammar of Modern Aryan Languages of India, (New Delhi), 1966, pp. 117–19.

19. B.I. Kluyev, op.cit.; also Mayadran Manisha, cited in V. Nagendra (ed.), Indian Literature, (Agra), 1959, p. 464.

20. Shaibal Gupta, op.cit.

21. Paul R. Brass, Language, Religion and Politics in Northern India, (Delhi), 1974, p. 69.

22. Shaibal Gupta, op.cit.

23. Hilbert Slater, Southern India: Its Political and Economic Problem, (London), 1936, p. 312.

24. Jyotirindra Dasgupta, op.cit., pp.1–30 and pp. 225–70.

25. See, Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict: Nationality Questions in North East India, (New Delhi: Manohar), 1990, for formation of Assamese nationality.

26. For a detailed account of the 1960 disturbances see H.C. Barua, A Glimpse of Assam Disturbances, (Gauhati), 1961. Also see, Assam Sahitya Sabha, Assam's State Language, (Jorhat), 1960. See, K.C. Barua, Assam: Her People and Language, (Shillong), 1960. See, Narayan Choudhury, Asamer Bhasha Danga (in Bengali), (Calcutta), 1963. See, Amitabh Choudhury, Mukher Bhasha Buker Rudhir (in Bengali), (Calcutta), 1961.

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